This article by Gregor Gall was in Friday’s Morning Star

No2EU – Yes to Democracy has stirred up a fair amount of debate in the last few months.

Talk centred on whether seats, if won, should be taken up or not, whether No2EU was a proto-party in waiting and whether it had committed the cardinal sin of constituting so-called “left nationalism.”

The prediction I made to myself when No2EU was launched was that it would receive a pretty disappointing vote, but for entirely practical reasons that were far removed from the debates going on.

Gaining 153,000 votes (1 per cent) was not a bad attempt in some ways for a new organisation. But No2EU was still beaten by the Socialist Labour Party (with 173,000 or 1.1 per cent), even though that party is moribund.

More significantly, No2EU was easily beaten by the Greens (1.3 million) and the BNP (950,000), while other anti-EU parties such as the English Democrats and UKIP did well.

There are four reasons for the poor No2EU vote.

First, it was launched with less than three months before the election – and Euro polls do not exactly set hearts racing in Britain anyway.

Voter turnout was extremely low again, at just 34 per cent (down from 37 per cent in 2004). Two-thirds registered their views by not voting.

While the EU and its neoliberal project are important in determining workers’ living conditions in Britain, there is no mass understanding of this.

Efforts have to be made to educate people about the EU’s anti-democratic nature, but there are huge obstacles to overcome.

This meant that the task of getting anything like a decent vote was gargantuan, not to put too fine a point on it. No2EU was too little, too late.

Second, the EU is neither the source of neoliberalism or new Labour, which are the much more immediate and manifest causes of attacks on workers’ living standards. Amid the recession and the MPs’ expenses scandal, new Labour is far more the focus of workers’ anger – so No2EU was hitting the wrong target at the wrong time.

Third, No2EU did not arise from mass struggle against how the EU affects workers’ lives. This means that it was much more difficult for workers to relate to because they haven’t been politicised in a way that supports No2EU’s message.

The closest we’ve come to that was this year’s engineering construction workers’ strike over the Posted Workers Directive. Here, media coverage concentrated on the supposed demand of “British jobs for British workers,” which obscured the real issues.

By contrast, a number of continental European countries have had sharp struggles over the Lisbon Treaty and its predecessors because referendums were held there, which led to widespread polarisation of views.

Finally, the grouping’s slogan of “No2EU – Yes to Democracy” came across as too narrow and abstract.

The initiative was far wider than this, as a glance at its website or leaflets showed. But the danger was that most people would never see beyond the banner headline because they did not read the website or see a leaflet.

This meant that No2EU could be taken by some to be a version of UKIP. And if people wanted to vote for UKIP-type politics, UKIP was the better-known brand.

It would have been better to have called the slate “No to a Bosses’ EU – Yes to a Workers’ EU” to get the basic class message across.

Then there is the related aspect from the slate’s title that everybody is in favour of democracy. It’s a bit little being in favour of motherhood and apple pie.

So this did not differentiate from the actually anti-democratic parties. Here, it would have been better to talk about the outcomes of democracy, such as workers’ rights and decent living standards.

Given all this, there is a danger that, instead of advancing the struggle against new Labour and neoliberalism, No2EU actually sets it back.

A disappointing vote for a left-of-Labour project can dent the willingness of other forces to get involved in creating a united and progressive radical front because people’s confidence in the viability of such a project has been undermined.

9 responses to “No2EU's wrong turning on the election path”

  1. Good summary of the campaign, I think.

    It’s hard to ascertain how many no2eu and SLP votes where “genuine” and how many were accidental, so to speak. For the SLP, there’s the possible confusion with the Labour party, and problems with folded ballot papers in some areas meant people wrongly voted no2eu because they couldn’t find UKIP.

    I originally warmed to no2EU, not only because of the involvement of the RMT, but because I thought it’d work as a decoy. Some people where a bit shocked when I suggested this was a good reason for the initiative – others more concerned about the focus on the EU. It’s a crowded market, isn’t it?

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  2. Neil Williams Avatar
    Neil Williams

    I think think is a better summery of events.:

    The real cause of far-right gains – by Robert Griffiths

    We don’t need academic studies on voting behaviour to explain what happened in the European and local elections last week.

    Anyone active in a trade union or living in a working-class community should know that many workers and their families do not regard Labour as a party that speaks or acts in their interests.

    Yes, those interests may not be clearly defined in people’s minds, least of all in consciously political ways. They often contain the illusions and prejudices fanned by the state and capitalist monopoly mass media.

    But at their core they represent the interests of the working class, those whose main source of income derives from the fact that they have to work for a living, have done so in the past, will do so in the future or are caring for yesterday’s, today’s or tomorrow’s workers.

    They need decent jobs, pay, pensions, benefits, housing and public services. They want to enjoy their leisure. They want to be treated with dignity and live and work in peace. They want their children to inherit a better life.

    They may well care about bigger issues of the environment, Third World poverty, civil liberties and gender equality as well as immigration.

    And they don’t believe this Labour government is doing anything to address these problems, real or imagined.

    That’s a major reason why only 5 per cent of the electorate turned out to vote Labour in the EU elections on June 4. Of those who thought the European Parliament was worth their attention, only 16 per cent voted Labour.

    But while the Labour vote fell by more than one and a quarter million from the 2004 EU elections, there was no great enthusiasm for the alternatives.

    The Tory, United Kingdom Independence Party and Lib Dem votes all fell by hundreds of thousands.

    Among the main winners were the Greens, whose votes and share of the poll rose by around a third, and to a lesser extent the SNP.

    The No2EU – Yes to Democracy alliance struggled to break through an almost total wall of media silence at national level. As a new-born initiative, it desperately needed the oxygen of publicity.

    Most of the state and capitalist media were far more comfortable puffing the BNP fascists and UKIP British nationalists.

    They quickly understood what some sectarians on the left could or would not, namely that No2EU was at root a pro-worker, pro-trade union, anti-EU, anti-privatisation and anti-big business coalition with a potentially popular appeal.

    This was confirmed by the warm reception received by No2EU campaigners in shopping centres and on the doorsteps.

    Yes, the alliance was late to be formed. Perhaps a better name and a sharper programme could have been devised – although it is difficult imagining a forum of different left-wing organisations in Britain taking less than 12 months to reach an agreement, splits and walkouts aside.

    The fact remains that the No2EU initiative represented an historic development in our labour movement. A major, militant trade union decided to forge an alliance with left and progressive forces to mount a challenge to big business and the new Labour clique across the whole of Britain, in circumstances which did not cut across the labour movement’s opposition to the return of a Tory government.

    Launching 11 million leaflets, more than a hundred public meetings, hundreds more street stalls and seven election broadcasts, winning 153,000 votes and 1 per cent of the poll, and all from a standing start, is a creditable achievement.

    Above all, No2EU presented an election programme which focused on the EU and its neoliberal policies to an extent unmatched by Labour, the Greens, the SNP and Plaid Cymru.

    And so we come to the biggest winners on June 4 – the BNP fascists, which is what their new MEPs Nick Griffin and Andrew Brons undoubtedly are.

    The BNP vote rose by just under 150,000 to nearly one million, while their share increased by a quarter.

    There can be doubt that mass campaigning by Searchlight, Unite Against Fascism and others succeeded in blunting their appeal on a substantial scale. Exposing their nazi sympathies and the futility of their false ‘solutions’ does work, although this needs to be done all year round.

    There is no room for complacency. Winning seats in Yorkshire and Humberside and the North West will give the BNP a bigger platform and a shedload of Euro-cash.

    A more united response to the fascist threat is required, but this will not be helped by the scapegoating that has emerged in some sections of the left.

    It is true that in the North West, BNP fuhrer Griffin would not have been elected had at least one-quarter of the No2EU or SLP or 2 per cent of the Labour vote gone to the Greens, or 20,000 votes from anybody else gone to Labour, or 14,000 to the Lib Dems, or 2,000 to UKIP.

    To single out No2EU for attack for having the temerity to stand, however, is reprehensible. Not least because it ignores the extent to which that alliance contributed extensively to the anti-fascist struggle on the streets, in its literature and – because it contested everywhere – through its widely praised election broadcasts which the television companies and the BNP tried to censor.

    No, the blame for the BNP’s breakthrough lies squarely at the door of the new Labour clique which has hijacked the Labour Party.

    Its policies of privatisation, war and a police state, its failure to assist workers and their families instead of bailing out the bankers and speculators, its record of lies and corruption at Westminster, have turned off working-class electors by the million.

    Undoing the damage done by new Labour and salvaging something worthwhile from the wreckage is now the urgent responsibility of the labour movement and the non-sectarian left.

    It cannot be done by electoral politics alone, and certainly not between now and the looming general election.

    A big upsurge in mass campaigning of every kind, including industrial action where necessary, is needed to defend working-class interests and combat the pro-big business, pro-war policies of new Labour.

    A movement for the People’s Charter needs to be built in local communities across Britain, engaging masses of people in the demand for left and progressive policies.

    This is the best basis on which socialist and trade union organisations can discuss the potential for developing a broad alliance which could also have a realistic, unifying and non-sectarian approach to electoral policy.

    But above all, the Labour government must be compelled to change course in order to avoid the election of an even more right-wing Tory government.

    The leaders whose trade unions bankroll the new Labourites wrecking the Labour Party should organise a five-man march on No 10 with a simple message for Gordon Brown – “Stop privatisation and public service cuts, tax the super-rich, pledge to take the railways and utilities back into public ownership, support the Trade Union Freedom Bill, scrap plans for a new generation of nuclear weapons and withdraw from Afghanistan – or no money from our members to fund defeat at the general election.”

    Robert Griffiths is general secretary of the Communist Party of Britain.

    http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/index.php/features/the_real_cause_of_far_right_gains

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  3. “A movement for the People’s Charter needs to be built in local communities across Britain”

    this is the key sentence for what the cpb wants next.

    no, not a new socialist or workers alliance or party, but a ‘people’s charter’ movement, that supports candidates from any party who support the charter, and stands just a few token ‘peoples’ charter’ candidates itself.

    i fear this could be where we are heading.

    ks

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  4. A people’s charter? Does this mean that it would be something debated, discussed and voted on in packed meetings of trade unionists, campigners, activists and other working class people?
    Or would it be some kind of demands cooked up by people without wider discussion and then presented as a fait accompli that we must all unite behind?
    I fear the latter: we should fight for the former.

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  5. The CPB is not capable of calling “packed meetings of trade unionists, campigners, activists and other working class people”. And if the CPB can’t do this, I sure as hell know that PR can’t do this!

    At this point, this is a pipedream. A political separation of pro-working class socialists and class struggle fighters from the incubus of the Labour Party, and the creation of a broad party of the advanced sections of the working class, is necessary to make a start on creating the political conditions where workers could concievably be radicalised to the degree where this pipedream could become a reality.

    The People’s Charter may or may not be useful as a tool to bring this about. That has yet to be tested. But that is how it should be judged.

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  6. “The CPB is not capable of calling “packed meetings of trade unionists, campigners, activists and other working class people”. And if the CPB can’t do this, I sure as hell know that PR can’t do this!

    At this point, this is a pipedream.”

    I’m not so sure, ID. The Convention of the Left last year had a couple of hundred people, we’ve had meeting in Bolton of 50-60. OK that’s still tiny compared to a mass movement but we are at a very low point of class struggle and need to start from where we are now. Even so having open meetings of a few hundred or even a few tens to openly discuss, deabte on policies for a local campaign has to be better than doing nothing.

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  7. So not so packed after all. A few hundred at most will have to do. Note also that the Convention of the Left agreed to very little in reality. One result of its failure was the inability of the left to mount a fully credible electoral challenge in the Euro elections. A massive failure. The forces that did have a go were not involved in the Convention of the Left, and indeed were denounced for doing so by …many of those involved in the Convention of the Left. This is not a good record imo.

    The point about this is that these lectures about the need for mass democracy are silly. You really think that others are unaware that such things are to be fought for? The question is how.

    Its rather like a man or woman who is discontented with their physical height chanting the mantra: ‘I must grow a foot taller’. Doesn’t actually work. It ain’t a strategy. And nor are these lectures on the need for mass democracy.

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  8. […] Gall produced a detailed analysis last week of the reasons for No2EU’s failure. In his view, these include the low level of […]

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