Weighing two kilos Diarmaid MacCulloch’s A History of Christianity: The First Three Thousand Years is full of interesting nuggets. You might think that things get a bit tetchy in the lefty blogosphere. That’s hardly a squabble in a nursery playground compared to what Christians used to get up to. I don’t want to put ideas in anyone’s head but the Catholics burned thirteen Orthodox monks at the stake in Constantinople because they insisted that the Eucharist should be made from leavened bread. The Papists, for reasons that made perfect sense to them, felt that the host should be made without yeast. Then you had the tremendous leap of faith of the hermits who would spend half a lifetime sitting on a column or living in a cave in an attempt to get closer to the divine.
Something of the same ascetic disdain for the material world lives on among the Sinn Féin organisers of an event called the London Irish Unity Conference on February 20th. Top of the bill is Gerry Adams along with Ken Livingstone, Jeremy Corbyn , Salma Yaqoob and a representative of the Gaelic Athletic Association among others. The publicity material starts with a tendentious assertion about the Good Friday Agreement. It’s right when it claims that the Agreement is "supported by the overwhelming majority of people in Ireland" though it doesn’t mention that this is largely because they were all fed up with a futile and defeated armed struggle. O bvious tripe is the claim that the GFA has "has positively transformed the relationship between Britain and Ireland". That would be the relationship where one country occupies a bit of the other, keeps a military garrison and a paramilitary police force and has just built a massive MI5 building outside Belfast.
A thread running through the publicity is the reasonable and civilising nature of British imperialism. This used to be a theme of liberals and imperialists but, based on its own recent history, Sinn Féin is convinced that any leopard can change its spots. Through the Agreement imperialism has conceded "clear mechanisms for ensuring equality, rights and parity of esteem" and even "the provision for a possible constitutional route to a united Ireland" "should a majority in Ireland wish it". I’m open to correction here but I can’t find any reference in the books to a majority requesting partition. What this really means is the London decides when it withdraws and it’s not going to.
When you’ve tried, without much luck, to unite Ireland by armed struggle and going into coalition with the Democratic Unionist Party you need a Plan C. It seems to be procreating your way to Irish freedom or the "demographic trend" that the conference organisers refer to. Catholics tend to have more kids than Protestants is the sectarian religious logic of that proposition. When you are reduced to rolling out that staple of a drunken Celtic fan’s political analysis you are running out of ideas.
Sinn Féin has failed to convince anyone outside its own corrupt grantocracy that the political collapse represented by the Good Friday Agreement is anything other than a major victory for British imperialism in Ireland and it’s by no means certain that even the grantocracy is quite so naive. It is dishonest or delusional to pretend that there is any parity at all in the power relations between the Britain, the Irish State or Irish Republicanism. This understanding is motivating the misbegotten attempts to go back to what the Republicans were doing twenty years ago. Wrapping up defeat in verbiage about social justice, equality and inclusion somehow just emphasises the depoliticisation of mainstream Republicanism.
What’s interesting is the way both the Labour and Marxists lefts in Britain (plus much of the Irish left) have almost unanimously accepted the Sinn Féin / British Government narrative of what the Good Friday Agreement represents. The main reason for that is that anyone who does not follow Irish politics too closely still tends to see Sinn Féin as some sort of radical organisation and much of the British based solidarity movements were never open to any other interpretation of events in Ireland than that provided by the Provies. It was an easy substitute for doing your own thinking. Part of me thought that it might be interesting to go along on February 20th to discuss some of these ideas but you can’t have a dialogue with people who choose to deny reality.






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