Tibet Andy posted a piece on Socialist Unity a couple of days ago called China and the riddle of Tibet. Madam Miaow takes a more scenic route but gets to the same destination.

Here is a quote from from Andy’s piece:

Tibet is too marginal to the world economy and too poor to be genuinely independent and develop a national economy and high culture of its own. In reality it can only exist as either part of China or as a bankrupt client state of Western imperialism – the fact that the figurehead for the Free Tibet campaign is the Dalai Lama, the feudal figurehead of the old slavery and barbarism is illustrative of the fact that no progressive national-popular and democratic campaign exists among the mass of the Tibetan Chinese, rather the movement is the expression of declassed intellectuals and dispossessed exiles. In the absence of a popular national dynamic to create a viable independent state, there is no prospect of self determination.

Here is a quote from Engels which is fairly similar.

Peoples which have never had a history of their own, which come under foreign domination the moment they have achieved the first, crudest level of civilisation… have no capacity for survival and will never be able to attain any kind of independence. And that has been the fate of the Austrian Slavs. (`Democratic PanSlavism’, February 1849)

The Engels quote is cited in a review by Andy Clarkson of an out of print book  by Roman Rosdolsky, Engels and the `Nonhistoric’ Peoples: the National Question in the Revolution of 1848. The review is on Revolutionary History’s site and I’m grateful to Marxsite’s Phil for drawing it to my attention. The Austrian Slavs are what we now call Czechs.

Rosdolsky attributes Engels’ concept of the “nonhistoric peoples” to Hegel and Andy Clarkson provides an illustration from the philosopher to show just how reactionary the concept is:

Anyone who wishes to study the most terrible manifestations of human nature will find them in Africa…it is an unhistorical continent, with no movement or development of its own.

It is best for socialists to err on the side on the side of supporting national liberation struggles. Rosa Luxemburg thought that the reunification of Poland was reactionary utopianism too so even though Andy is wrong he’s in some pretty good company. His judgement on the role of the Chinese state is comparable to Engels’ enthusiasm for German industry as a civilizing and unifying factor in Central Europe and he provides examples of progress under Chinese rule such as big leaps in life expectancy and literacy as well as the elimination of serfdom. This is true. The Chinese bureaucracy has pulled Tibet out of the 12th century. A consequence of this is that it has also created an indigenous intelligentsia separate from the clergy and, more importantly, a working class population which is rebellion both against its relative poverty and national oppression.

There is a big debate to be had about whether or not you can categorise China as any sort of workers’ state. The bureaucracy is attacking the social gains of the revolution with vigour and much of the economy is now capitalist. We are in the final stages of a bureaucratic counter-revolution. What is beyond dispute is that the Chinese government’s policy towards Tibet is oppressive and reactionary and if one were a hypothetical socialist in China one would have to support the Tibetan demands for national liberation.

The Tibetans manifestly now have a national self-identity which makes Stalin’s checklist of nationality redundant.  As Michael Lowy (one of the editors of the new Socialist Resistance magazine – £10 for 5 issues) remarked in his book Fatherland or Mother Earth “the consciousness of a national identity and a national political movement, is no less important.”

Andy makes the point that “breaking the unity of the historical Chinese state and nation will not strengthen the Chinese people in their struggle for economic and democratic progress, but only carve China up at the mercy of the imperialists.” You could flip that proposition. By denying the Tibetans their right to self determination the Chinese bureaucracy is creating an opportunity for the imperialists to actively engage in Chinese politics. Nancy Pelosi’s meeting with the Dalai Lama yesterday was just such an intervention. The irony is that the the rioters on the streets no longer seem to be taking a political lead from a religious leader whom they see as too willing to accommodate to the bureaucracy and they certainly were not demanding a confessional state.

At least since the League of Nations the imperialists have been using rhetoric about democracy, freedom and civil rights in the wars of ideology, often with a great deal of success. A socialist response to this has to include an assertion that we are the strongest defenders of these things. We don’t do this by accepting the Chinese government’s line that its state is eternally indivisible but rather by supporting the rights of oppressed nationalities when they say they want to rule themselves.

73 responses to “Tibet, Engels, Hegel and Andy”

  1. Well said!

    While I have a great regard for Andy for his great energy and enthusiam in helping to keep vibrant and lively discussion and debate going through the competent maintainance of the Socialist unity blog. He is, in my opinion, in this case quite up his own arse which reveals I’m not quite sure what.

    In the recent past he has said some equally dubious things about the rights of indigenous people’s of the states of USA, Australia, Canada and New Zealand.

    Just because GENOCIDE has been used and continues to be used by the colonial-imperialist powers in the above countries, as also is the continuing case with the ruling powers in Tibet, Palestine (China and Israel have a weird pals agreement which needs exposure), West Papua, Western Sahara to name but a few,this doesnt mean that indigenous people dont have the right to self determination and rightly continue to demand such a right, fully deserving of the support of socialists and mass support from throughout the globe.

    In respect to ‘socialists it all comes back to how ‘socialism’ is defined and this all too often reveals how the question of colonialism / imperialism(and the live inter relationship between the two) shows itself to be so vitally important an issue.

    This is a question which clearly remains substantially misunderstood and ill defined in general nevermind just among the Left, whether consciously or unconsciously by deed and or by ignorance or design by ‘ western’ socialists.

    All too often western lefties are more heavily influenced (than they realise or are aware) by western colonial and pseudo rear guard knee jerk so called ‘ socialist imperialist ‘ thinking and the ever pervasive arrogance of thinking that they know it all and know best.Well, they and we dont.

    I dont know where Andy gets his sources of knowledge from re Tibet ,but he should get out there and talk to some actual Tibetans themselves protesting on the streets of Lhasa and London.

    China is clearly very wary of sustained criticism of it’s dictatorship and it’s own imperialism re Tibet and Burma and the Olympics is it’s achiles heel as it is that of the western imperialist powers, primarily US and BRITAIN, themselves, mass contradictions and all, with it’s grossly bloody hypocritial relationship with the brutal Chinese state.

    Time to expose the whole bloody lot.

    Time to make the Olympics political in every respect!Strip it bare to the bone!

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  2. Nice article Liam!

    I attribute Andy’s confusion over the national question in this case to his wrong analysis of the Chinese state. China has never been a socialist state. It’s ruling class have used surplus profit for their own enrichment. Socialists can’t support Chinese imperialism in Tibet just as we would not support US imperialism in Iraq. That’s why we call for the national liberation of Tibet and wish to see the break up of China’s capitalist state as this will only strengthen the stuggle of workers in China and its occupied territories.

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  3. We got fed the same argument in regard to East Timor — that it was a marginal ‘nation’ and should not be granted independence. (But someone forgot to tell that to the tens of thousands of East Timorses who died in that struggle.)

    A similar approach is being embraced on the far left in regard to Kosova.
    http://links.org.au/taxonomy/term/110
    The arguments vary but essentially they all tend to be schematisms and fail to deal with the on the ground reality.

    But as you point out this isn’t about theory so much or principle but actual tactical engagement as with what is a living fact which no matter your level of Marxian sophistication, cannot be wished away.

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  4. Good post.

    It’s important to differentiate between support for a Tibetan national liberation movement and support for the Dalai Lama himself. Madam Miaow’s piece was much better than Andy Newman’s in that respect, as it criticised his holiness without taking anything away from the Tibetan protesters. The Dalai Lama represents a return to the feudal system which existed under British occupation whereas the protests by Tibetans against the Chinese state should be understood as attacks on its ruthless and bloody oppression of the people in Tibet, as in the rest of the ‘people’s republic’.

    What we should support is a national liberation movement and the leaders and intellectuals it produces. What we should not do is fawn over the Dalai Lama as the saviour of Tibet, as liberals in the west are often prone to do.

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  5. This is an article worth reading in Saturday’s Guardian Comment and Debate by Pankaj Mishra:

    http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/mar/22/tibet.china1

    Pankaj describes the issue as modernisation being antagonistic towards the Tibetans.

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  6. I don’t think the term “Austrian Slavs” was synonymous with “Czech”, but included them, as well as other Slav speaking groups within the Hapsburg Empire.
    Engels view of the Czechs as a “historically absolutely non-existent “nation” and argument that all other Slavs, besides the Russians and Poles, “lack the primary historical, geographical, political and industrial conditions for independence and viability. ” has, quite simply, been refuted by subsequent history.
    It was coloured by the experience of 1848, when pan-Slav nationalists looked to support from Tsarism against the democratic revolution.
    Of course, at the time, even the Germans hadn’t achieved national unification or become an industrial nation.

    Applying Engels arguments out of their historical context would be absolutely disastrous though.
    It’s not hard to see how the German Social Democrats could justify their actions in August 1914, or become assimilated into the Nazi ideology, when you look at this quote:
    “…hatred of Russians was and still is the primary revolutionary passion among Germans; that since the revolution hatred of Czechs and Croats has been added, and that only by the most determined use of terror against these Slav peoples can we, jointly with the Poles and Magyars, safeguard the revolution. We know where the enemies of the revolution are concentrated, viz. in Russia and the Slav regions of Austria, and no fine phrases, no allusions to an undefined democratic future for these countries can deter us from treating our enemies as enemies.”
    Engels, Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 223, February 16, 1849

    Thankfully, for very good reasons, the use of the term “non-historic peoples” by Marxists has fallen out of favour.
    It’s not correct for Socialists to merge into movements of national liberation since they are often be manipulated by bigger imperialist powers.
    It’s always necessary to be aware of which elements in the nationalist movement are responsible for this and which elements represent the radical democratic plebeian wing.
    But forced assimilation never works and in the end leads to “ethnic cleansing” and/or genocide.

    Using those principles as a guide in Tibet will avoid getting into a mess over the issue.

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  7. While I am inclined to give qualified support to Liam’s position on self-determination though I also sympathise with the posts written by Madam Miaow and Andy. They do raise important issues that can’t be ignored.

    The Dalai Lama is being used by the imperialist west to destabilish China and Madam Miaow’s post exposes the reactionary agenda of the DL. There is the problem of the spirit of Colonel Francis Younghusband still living on in the imperialist west. It’s cleat that the Tibetan masses should not support the DL.

    There are perils down both of the roads argued by Liam, Andy and Madam Miaow.

    For example, self-determination could be used as a stalking horse by the western imperialists to have a go at China. But without the support for self-determination you end up with bureaucratic misrule and no democracy at all.

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  8. Ray, is there nothing you are not ultra-left on? China is a deformed workers state not a capitalist state and still less an imperialist state.

    Yes, minorities are treated like so much colonial chattle in the same way a Western power treats its subjects. China moves resources, including cultural resources in the form of Chinese settlers, to Tibet to secure it as a loyal military outpost. But in this case, just because it looks like a duck and quacks like a duck it doesn’t mean that it is a duck. Try to put your empiricist instincts aside for once.

    Naturally, the Tibetans don’t like seeing their culture wiped out and are trying to fight back but we do not have an uncritical approach to how they fight back. We support those Tibetans who in fighting back also want to defend the gains of the working class contained in the deformed workers state that it is currently a part of. These gains include both economic and political elements. Political gains include the constitutional recognition of the working class as the ruling class i.e. workers’ democracy as opposed to bourgeois democracy. Economic gains are the nationalisation of the commanding heights of the economy and the ingrained principle that state planning of the economy is ideologically superior when possible.

    To support those elements in the Tibetan self-determination movement that do not want to retain those gains of the working class, however distorted, would be reactionary. To not support Tibetan demands for self-determination, on the other hand, as others have pointed out, would be to hand the movement over to the imperialists. We must give the movement the correct programmatic expression.

    There is no doubt that the greatest blow to imperialism would be a political revolution in China against the bureaucracy restoring workers democracy in practice. The whole of Asia would quickly fall into the hands of the working class and this is the West’s paranoiacal fear and the reason why it is quite timid about Tibet and doesn’t really want to rock the boat too much even while it would like to blow China off the face of the planet.

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  9. David Ellis have you not noticed that the Chinese state is today the most powerful engine of neo-liberal capitalist growth in the region?

    There are two serious approaches to the Tibetan question amongst progressive people. The first approach is to argue that in many ways the oppression faced in Tibet is simply part of the broader picture of both the absence of democratic rights and neo-liberalism faced by the vast majority of Chinese people. Therefore some way of linking up the movement in Tibet with other movements in China on questions of enviromental degredation, banning of trade union rights, and other local community campaigns all of whom face repression for the same reasons needs to be fashioned, probably in alliance with the broader movements against neo-liberalism seen in the south. This argument is associated with those who see older patterns of organisating as defunct or in need of reform, and on the other hand is also connected with those who see questions about nationalism and national oppression as increasingly a blunt instrument in a new era of neo-liberal globalisation and imperialism.

    On the other hand (and here I would probably place myself) there are those who agree entirely with the idea that the current events unfolding in Tibet are structured by the neo-liberal agenda of the Chinese State, and that the struggle against authoritarian neo-liberalism has the potential to overcome divisions fostered by that state, but also note the upsurge of national chauvinism associated with this brand of neo-liberal authoritarianism and note that the various new social movements, as well as burdgening struggles in the Chinese workers movement, also have the potential to divide and set back the movement, Chinese chauvinism still being the main ideological weapon in the hands of the Chinese ruling class which for almost two decades now has been attempting to win a place for itself at the imperialists table.

    Whilst these chauvinist moods are concentrated amongst the better heeled sections of the rising middle class inside China these moods are also very strong in the capitalist diaspora which like its Indian counterpart is now diverting investment back to China. It would be foolish to imagine that these kinds of moods can’t also effect workers and other sections of the oppressed inside China itself.

    Therefore I think it is important not to pretend that the national question can be ignored or sidelined if the exploited are to be united across China. Radicals of different stripes must both recognise the national dimension of oppression in Tibet and not wish it away. Its also important to realise that whilst there are without question reactionary elements involved in the current uprising (burning mosques and attacking migrant workers and shop keepers is not part of any socialist agenda) its also true that the ethnic dimension of the reaction against national oppression has to do with current policies and current social change and is not simply the product of the undoubted theocratic monstrosity which the Dalai Lama presided over as a child. Its also important to bear in mind that stereotypes about Tibetans in mainland China as ingrates benifitting from Chinese development but being too stupid, feudal and backward to appreciate it are not stereotypes which should be repeated by Socialists. Leave that to the new millioners.

    It is undoubtably the case that the Dalai Lama has turned to the US and, from the cold war, there have been abortive attempts by the US to utilize these problems for its own ends. But the clash between US imperialism and Chinese capitalism is by no means a fundemental, or to use maoist terminology, the “primary contradiction” in the situation.

    Here in the west we point to the hypocrisy of the US and its minions claiming to give a damn about any of those oppressed and exploited in China, a state which is enthusiastically adopting the same capitalist neo-liberalism they would like to impose everywhere else (the problem perhaps being that China is rather too successful) whilst more broadly, the serious tasks facing popular social movements and the working class movement in China centre around how to link opposition to neo-liberalism and broad opposition to authoritarianism to fighting the national chauvinism and national oppression that goes with it.

    Its a tough and dangerous situation for sure, but I don’t think telling Tibetan people who they ought to support, or nostalgia for the old cold war bi-polar situation will help us here. China is not Venezuela, and however you charecterise the old ‘actually existing socialisms’ there is no return to a situation where a balence between two or three superpowers gave space to alternative politics.

    The great thing about China’s rise as an economic superpower both inside and outside China is not the possibility of a return of a cold war system of balence but the vast expansion of the forces opposed to the new global order favoured both in washington and beijing. This is not to argue some class against class purism. Regimes which do resist neo-liberalism and imperialism do deserve not unconditional but not uncritical support. China is by no stretch one of those regimes.

    Andy’s position seems to stem from the curious mixture of movementism and social democratic politics he’s adopted, which as far as I can tell is made up of odd’s and sod’s drawn from eurocommunism.

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  10. David Ellis’ contribution is a textbook example of how some ‘orthodox Trotsyist’ analyses lose all conection with reality. I particularly liked the qualification that We support those Tibetans who in fighting back also want to defend the gains of the working class contained in the deformed workers state that it is currently a part of. The exact reason why Tibetans are fighting back is that they don’t want to be part of that state.

    But there are problems for the more sensible defenders of the theory as well, highlighted by Tibet. When Liam says that We are in the final stages of a bureaucratic counter-revolution. What is beyond dispute is that the Chinese government’s policy towards Tibet is oppressive and reactionary there is a large contradiction between those two sentences. It’s true that the Chinese government’s policy towards Tibet is oppressive and reactionary – but it was more so before the Deng Xiaoping era. Since 1978 (which is when I presume the bureaucratic counter-revolution dates from) there’s been a reduction in state controls, greater religious and cultural freedom, and an increase in living standards. It’s hardly likely to increase the attraction of socialism if we say that the slackening of colonial controls is the product of counter-revolution.

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  11. It’s hardly a social democratic position though to refuse to call for clear solidarity with Tibetan protestors being mown down by the Chinese state.

    And on that matter the nature of the state is not directly relevant- whether China is the motor of world capitalism or whether it’s a dictatorship of a caste that has smashed workers’ democracy in a state where capitalism has been suppressed (as it was twenty years ago).

    It’s the sort of position that gives the left a bad name- stange still some espouse it today and good that they are being criticised by the socialists in Respect Renewal- presumably the ex-SWP are supporting Liam’s position on this?

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  12. oh dear chjh’s contribution has made me think that I’m, if anything, a bit too soft.

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  13. David Ellis would be wrong even if China were a deformed workers state. Which its not.
    The Bolsheviks supported the right of nations to secede even where this would have meant the continuation of capitalism instead of its overthrow.
    In China capitalism was restored in the mid-1990s, the plan was finally abolished and the law of value restored, according to the OECD the majority of exchanges took place at market prices from around 1995 onwards.
    It could be argued that China is now a state capitalist entity, the vast majority of the banks are state owned and a very large proportion of output still produced by state owned enterprises – but the contrast between the state capitalist china of today and the bureaucratic centrally planned economy of a couple of decades ago, illustrates better than anything why the Cliffite theory (whatever that is) of state capitalism was so incoherent.
    But that’s a digression – either way Andy Newman and co are wrong as usual.

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  14. on further reflection this is one of those examples where, in reality, how we saw these regimes in the past DOES in fact matter. Reading through some of the social movement literature coming out in the south on this (and indeed Mishra’s otherwise very interesting article) its clear that there IS a confusion about the nature of the old regime even amongst some of those who lead the charge in terms of the more innovative (and refreshing) politics on the question (I found it incredible that political innovators like Andy could repeat this stale old rubbish: its all a bit like one of the odder editions of the antique road show).

    On the one hand there is a perfectly honourable focus on the struggle at present and neo-liberalism, on the other hand, it just is true that the repression that took place in Tibet during the Maoist period is largely brushed over. That Tibet was a brutally repressive feudalism is absolutely true. That this means the national oppression of the subsequent period was justified is not true. For some, this is a terribly difficult proposition. And that seems linked to strongly held beliefs about the kind of regime this once was.

    I’ve also been thinking though about the wider disquiet on how to approach the question linked to the problem of imperialism. I think the massive social change associated with a previously third world country suddenly transforming into a capitalist power with the highest growth rates of any capitalism in the world, obviously produces enourmous hypocrisy in some of the more precarious capitalism’s of the west who nevertheless see themselves as being in some metaphysical sense ‘proper’ capitalist countries, hence ‘civilised’, ‘leaders of the international community’ etc.

    Such speedy change leads, both inside and outside the country, to genuine excitement and aspiration which I suspect is a real factor in solidifying the regimes ideological legitimacy. But you see very similar phenomenan when it comes to India and other fast developing capitalist countries (just not on the same scale). Its exciting, its transforming and all the rest…but its still capitalism. And its brutal, exploitative and nasty into the bargain.

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  15. Dave, surplus value in China is appropriated by it’s ruling class. This is no different to the behaviour of the ruling class in the West except that the Chinese ruling class has nationalised the majority of it’s industry. Nationalising industries does not make a ruling class socialist.
    Therefore, China’s ruling class are a barrier to working class struggle in China and Tibet and as such need to be overthrown. The break up of the Chinese state and the liberation of all it’s occupied terretories can only help Chinese workers in their struggle to liberate themselves form their own ruling class.

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  16. Dave Ellis:
    “There is no doubt that the greatest blow to imperialism would be a political revolution in China against the bureaucracy restoring workers democracy in practice.”

    Restoring workers’ democracy? Back to what? 1927?

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  17. ajkdfjk: Good spot. Should have said initiating workers’ democracy rather than restoring for the same reason that we call it a deformed workers’ state as opposed to a degenerated workers’ state.

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  18. “The break up of the Chinese state and the liberation of all it’s occupied terretories can only help Chinese workers in their struggle to liberate themselves form their own ruling class”

    A position which justifes you uniting with *anyone* to break up China, the unity of which is a result of a struggle against British and Japanese imperialism, that was constantly betrayed by the native bourgeoisie in the 20’s and 30’s.

    Completely the wrong way round too – ethnic discrimination and the supression of national minorities weakens the unity of the working class, which need to resist the attempts to dismember their country by the USA, EC and Japan and forge a socialist federation of equals.

    Just substitute “Yugoslavia” for “China” and it’s quite apparent how such ultra-left schematism plays into the hands of imperialism. With slight modification it could make a “Times” editorial.

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  19. No I don’t agree that Socialists are in favour of the break up of China. However Socialists do not oppose self determination of minorities because it might endanger the unity of the fastest growing chunk of global capitalism. The comparison between China and the former Yugoslavia is fatuous (as is the comparison with a Times editorial: the ruling class in the west would certainly not be in favour of the break up of China either: follow the money for goodness sake!). China is not a country disintegrating under the impact of global neo-liberalism. Its one of its main drivers.

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  20. Its also noticable how narrow some peoples vision is. Here you have a state which in the process of transforming itself into a major hub of global capitalism has also created perhaps the largest and most stratefically important working class in the world. Over the last few years we have seen the beginnings of movement in the shape of community organisations, democracy organisations and above all, labour movement stirrings, with the Chinese State engaging in repression but increasingly finding this tricky. Meanwhile, as well as these stirrings inside China there is a whole plethora of activists engaged with issues of global justice, labour standards and all the rest of it right across the region. This crisis is just one of many the Chinese state faces in terms of the uneveness of its participation in global capitalism. After the ice age that followed Tianeman there is now evidence of a very different atmosphere growing. As this terraine of the future opens up (I’m sure in about fifty years people will wonder what all this fuss in the middle east was about) all that some people can do is worry about protecting entirely fictional slogans of a largely fictional past. Did someone say something about the need for new thinking?

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  21. Someone is not thinking properly if they do not understand that of course the US and the EU would like China to disintegrate. What they know is that a divided China is a lesser competitor. An independent Tibet would enocurage other indepependence movements: the US would be delighted with a fragmented China. The other line suggests that a united China would not threaten US hegemony in due course. Whether one supports an independent Tibet does not depend on this question (unless one imagines that there is still something socialist about China). The build up to the third world war is under way…

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  22. Prianikoff, in what way is Chinese occupation of Tibet progressive? It provides the Chinese ruling class the opportunity to test out it’s repressive capabilities. All those weapons the Chinese buy off the West get a work out. When Chinese workers see their ruling class successfully oppressing Tibetans it doesn’t give them confidence to fight back against the Chinese regime does it?
    Working class Chinese who are drafted to fight in Tibet put their lives at risk and are indoctrinated into the imperialist ideology of the Chinese ruling class. That doesn’t encourage unity between Tibetan and Chinese workers and unity between oppressed workers is the way the Tibetan and Chinese will defeat their own ruling class.
    You claim that supporting Tibetan liberation plays into the hands of Western imperialism. Yet the US has made no demands on China to free Tibet. The West continues to fully trade with China and hasn’t even attempted one of its toothless embargos. So much for Western imperialisms concern for Tibetans. The only imperialist force concerned about Tibet is China and socialists should oppose it.

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  23. er, do you have any idea what would happen to the Japanese economy if China went down? Do you have any idea what would happen to the US economy if Japan went down? Do you have any idea what would happen to the world economy? Of course they’re competitors. They’re hostile brothers. And Capitalism is contradictory so states do crazy things when they get into a bind. But if you imagine for a second that global capitalism let alone the US economy wants the removal of the fastest growing segment of the world economy you have to be nutso. They’d go down.

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  24. You are quite wrong about Rosdolsky’s argument i think LIam.

    Firstly it is important to note that Engels did not write about “geschichtlosen Nationalitäten” but “geschichtlosen Völker”. Locating the issue in the specific circumstances of the politics of which of national states would be formed out of the mosaic of peoples in Europe.

    His main three arguments argument were that
    i) Engels misunderstood the specific historical and political context.
    ii) made the mistake of viewing nations as actors on the historical stage, ,rather than being products of historical struggle, inclusing the class struggle.
    iii) that Engels was wrong to day that some small peoples and languages had no independent future.

    With regard to the first point Rosdolsky is almost certainly right, and his argument is very persuasive. BUT i would point out that the way Rosdolsky describes the Ruthenian question in eastern Gallicia, for example (pp 56 – 69 Critque Books, 1987) is remrakable similar to the way I have discussed the Tibet question. That is Rosdolsky points out that the Ruthenian people – in contrast the the Czechs for example – did not have a dominant class in their nation capable of leading a national struggle, and Rosdolsky points out that “The national contradictioon here was therefore the (to agree with Otto Bauer) merely a phenomenal form of the social contradiction” national hatred was only class hatred “transformed”.

    ii) Rosodolosky was certainly correct – and I agree with him. i stress the class diffenentiation within the Tibetans, and the facts that only thre lamas and landlords participated in Ttibetan high culture, and the serfs and agricultural labourers wwere merely tenants of the nation. In this I follow Rosdolsky more closely than I do Engels.

    iii) On the third point Rosdolsky is incorrect. In the history of the origin of nation states, assimilation has been a constant. See that this point is agreed with by Ben edict Anderson in “Imagined Ccommmunities”, Gellner in “Nationals and nationalism” and in particular see the discussion in Hobsbawm’s “nations and nationalism since 1780” who specifically discusses the revolutions of 1848, and the Rosdolosky/Engels controversy.
    Even the most well know Czech socialist of his time, Karl Kautsky, agreed that the Czech people would never form a nation state, and he argued that thje Czech national language which he spoke at home) would be limited to provate and not public use. It was for example common for even Czech socialists in the socialist party in the hapsburg Empire (Gesamtpartei) to describe themselves as Czech speaking Germans.

    I will return to the specifics of Tibet later.

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  25. The other side of the Tibet question
    by Norm Dixon Sunday, Mar. 23, 2008 at 6:10 PM
    glparramatta@greenleft.org.au

    Please also read the following background article at http://www.greenleft.org.au/1996/248/13404

    We can go on harping about the undoubtedly inadequate leadership of the Tibetan national liberation movement, but let’s not excuse or whitewash the very oppression that China’s rulers have imposed on the Tibetan people. When all is said and dione, that is the source of the conflict and it will not end unless that oppression ends. Of course imperialism seeks to meddle (as it does in EVERY situation), but the reason they have opportunities to do so is because the Chinese rulers are giving them that opportunity. )Actually, it seems that Washington is downplaying and discourgeing the Tibetan struggle not stoking it.)

    And why would the Tibetans listen to the left when many of them seem hell bent on justifying if not glorifying China’s capitalist-restorationist “communist” rulers’ attacks on their national and human rights?

    Here’s most of the article:

    Tibetans are entitled to claim their right to national self-determination. They have a common language, territory and culture. A distinct, continuous Tibetan history can be traced back 2500 years. Whatever the arguments about the independence or otherwise of Tibet during this long period, when China’s last dynasty was overthrown in 1911, all Chinese officials were expelled and the 13th Dalai Lama issued a proclamation that many Tibetans consider a declaration of independence.

    While no country formally recognised this independence, Tibetan officials conducted all governmental functions without reference to, or interference from, Beijing. Lhasa conducted government-to-government relations with many countries, signing trade pacts and other deals. Until 1950, Tibet operated as a de facto independent state.

    The Chinese Communist Party once adhered to the traditional Leninist position on the right of nations to self-determination. The 1931 constitution of the soviet government of China stated: “All Mongolians, Tibetans, Miao, Yao, Koreans and others living in the territory of China shall enjoy the full rights to self-determination, i.e., they may either join the Union of Chinese Soviets or secede from it and form their own state as they may prefer”.

    By 1949, the CCP’s commitment to the right of self-determination had been quietly dropped. In that year, the new government announced that the liberation of Tibet was a major goal of the People’s Liberation Army. Mao Zedong — aware that Tibet’s de facto independence made a negotiated integration into China preferable to an immediate military attack, which might have brought international repercussions — proposed “peaceful liberation”.

    When the Tibetan government failed to meet a deadline for “peaceful liberation”, PLA forces in October 1950 invaded Tibet’s eastern province of Kham and quickly overran Tibet’s poorly armed and led army of 10,000 troops. The PLA stopped its advance, and Beijing again urged Lhasa to begin negotiations.

    Tenzin Gyatso, now the Dalai Lama, sent a negotiating team to Beijing which, with little choice, signed an agreement on May 23, 1951, known as the Seventeen Point Agreement. For the first time in recorded history, Tibet’s rulers formally acknowledged in writing China’s sovereignty over Tibet.

    The Dalai Lama did not attempt to rally the Tibetan people to defend their former independence. He and the majority of his regime were satisfied, if uncomfortable, since China agreed to maintain Tibet’s oppressive theocratic political system and keep the exploitative semi-feudal economic system intact, with the Dalai Lama at its head. Some of Tibet’s more recalcitrant aristocrats, though, were perturbed by the caveat that this would last until such time as Tibetans wanted reforms. Under this agreement, Chinese troops moved peacefully into Lhasa in the autumn of 1951.

    CCP policy in this period recognised that the religious, political and economic hold of the landowners was strong and that the class struggle in Tibet had not developed sufficiently for the peasantry to rebel against their appalling conditions and absolute lack of human rights. Beijing strove instead to work closely with the Tibetan landowning elite and allay their fears.

    According to Tibet scholar Melvyn Goldstein, between 1951 and 1959 there was no significant expropriation of property of the aristocratic and religious landlords. Mao was committed to the continued reign of the Dalai Lama because this would reassure the feudal and religious elites of their place in China’s new multi-ethnic state.

    The CCP did virtually nothing to encourage the Tibetan masses to challenge the rule of the landlords. In the eyes of both Mao and the Tibetan elite, the peasants were mere appendages of the landowners. The PLA was at first careful to show respect for Tibetan culture and religion, giving alms to all 20,000 monks in the Lhasa area.

    But the damage had been done with the taking of Kham by force and the entry of Chinese troops, no matter how well behaved, into Lhasa. The Tibetan people felt humiliated at the loss of their independence and feared for their future. The sudden presence of Chinese troops was disturbing after 40 years in which there had been virtually no Chinese in Tibet. When the disgruntled landlords felt their economic and political monopoly was threatened, they were able to clothe their reactionary rebellion in a nationalist garb and win many poor Tibetans to their side.

    A section of the landholders, convinced that the CCP would eventually introduce land reform and fearing the impact on their power of the development of Tibet’s infrastructure, began to organise an armed rebellion. There were landlord-inspired disturbances in eastern Tibet triggered when the Chinese authorities levied taxes on traders returning from India and demanded that monasteries supply lists of property for tax assessment. By 1957, the US had altered its ambivalent position on Tibet, and the CIA was arming and training Tibetan rebels.

    In 1957, Mao made a last-ditch attempt to placate the landlords. The numbers of Chinese CCP cadre and troops in Tibet were reduced, and the Dalai Lama was promised in writing that China would not implement land reform for another six years. If conditions were not “ripe” then, reforms would be postponed again.

    The landlords were not convinced. The Dalai Lama, with 80,000 supporters, fled to India at the height of several days of massive demonstrations that began on March 10, 1959. Soon after the Dalai Lama’s retreat, fighting broke out. Chinese troops put down the uprising, which involved tens of thousands of Tibetans. Beijing says 87,000 people were killed.

    The CCP concluded that the cause of the rebellion was its policy of “moderation” toward minorities. Beijing tore up the Seventeen Point Agreement and abolished the traditional government, confiscated the estates of the religious and aristocratic elites and closed thousands of monasteries. Policy toward Tibet has been marked ever since by varying degrees of brute force and terror, with systematic discrimination, reaching its worst extremes during the 1966-76 Cultural Revolution.

    While land reform and other measures undoubtedly benefited Tibet’s poor peasants, its arbitrary implementation and the brutal suppression of Tibetan culture and religion sowed hatred and fuelled Tibetan nationalism. The brutality and colonisation imposed by the Chinese government became the overriding issue for Tibetans, giving new life to the illusion that all sections of Tibetan society have fundamental common interests.

    Since the late 1980s, there has been an upsurge of protest. Following significant protests in 1987, 1988, 1989 and 1990, extreme police repression has prevented further outbreaks. Recent visitors report a heavy police presence in Lhasa, with surveillance cameras mounted in the streets. Gatherings of three ot more Tibetans are broken up by police.

    According to Amnesty International’s most recent annual report, hundreds of people were detained in 1995 for peaceful pro-independence activities. Police and troops continue to raid monasteries and convents. AI says there are more than 650 Tibetan political prisoners.

    Reflecting both the original backwardness of landlord-dominated Tibet and Beijing’s anti-Tibet policies, official Chinese figures show Tibet to be languishing. In 1990, literacy was 56% compared to China’s 74%; Tibet has the lowest life expectancy at 45 years, compared to China’s 75; Tibet’s per capita GDP for 1993 was US$242, compared to China’s $462.

    Tibet’s problems have intensified with the Chinese bureaucracy’s rush to restore capitalism. In 1992, Lhasa was declared a special economic zone. Waves of state-subsidised Chinese settlers took over new business opportunities, and Chinese skilled workers dominate jobs created by demand for new housing and services. Tibetans are being increasingly marginalised in their own homeland. The non-Tibetan population of Lhasa is now estimated at 50%. Racism towards Tibetans is reportedly rife.

    After more than four decades of Chinese rule, Tibetans are seething with resentment at what they see as a systematic campaign to destroy and uproot their culture. This is the product of more than four decades of heavy handed, ill-directed and insensitive attempts by the Stalinist Chinese bureaucracy to suppress the influence of Tibet’s former landlord class, now in exile in India.

    But the harsh reality is that Beijing’s indiscriminate and apolitical assaults — arbitrarily softened or hardened depending on the bureaucratic wind blowing from the capital — have served only to drive most Tibetans into the arms of their former oppressors, now able to wear the mantle of “freedom fighters”.

    http://www.links.org.au

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  26. again its neccessary to understand BOTH the feudalism and repressiveness of the ancien regime and the repressive and discriminatory path of modernisation undertaken by the Chinese State. Its priorities can clearly be seen by its willingness to bargain on the question of land reform in order to ensure the coherence and power of the Chinese state. So much for progressive motivations.

    In any case a sophisticated treatment of the dilemma’s confronting Marxists in the current situation can be found here:

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  27. Karl Kautsky may well have agreed that the Czech people would never form a nation state. It’s not the only thing he got wrong, though, is it?

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  28. “Reflecting both the original backwardness of landlord-dominated Tibet and Beijing’s anti-Tibet policies, official Chinese figures show Tibet to be languishing. In 1990, literacy was 56% compared to China’s 74%; Tibet has the lowest life expectancy at 45 years, compared to China’s 75; Tibet’s per capita GDP for 1993 was US$242, compared to China’s $462”

    This is the third set of figures I have seen quoted on Tibet, all totally sure they are unquestionable facts and all wildly different. Could comrades stop quoting other comrades who might be quoting sources who just invented these figures and properly reference such details. For example life expectancy is either 45, 67 or 85(!!) depending on who you read. What ‘official Chinese figures’ comrade Norm and where can we all view them?

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  29. Gerry – thanks for making this point. You’re right. I’ve dug a bit deeper and corrected the figures on my blog, referring to both the Chinese government and Unescap.

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  30. “On the third point Rosdolsky is incorrect. In the history of the origin of nation states, assimilation has been a constant. ”

    The recent history of the ex-Yugoslav republics is of course testament to the constant assimilation of nation states.

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  31. CPI ML (Liberation) on Tibet

    China would do well to address the aspirations for autonomy through political dialogue rather than by repression and martial law. The spectacle of protesting Buddhist monks being brutalised by armed forces
    can hardly evade comparisons with similar scenes in military-ruled Burma and the tragic stigma of Tiananmen.

    One hopes that China will take proper lessons from the Soviet experience, where bruised national sentiments played no small part in the great shipwreck. Democratic and peace-loving people of the world are
    deeply concerned over the situation in Tibet, and expect China to handle the agitations and the ethnic tensions with greater sensitivity and maturity. China’s stance on economic questions has been one of pragmatic
    flexibility: in the case of Hong Kong, China has shown its willingness to experiment with a policy of “one country, two systems”, where the Central People’s Government is responsible for the territory’s defence
    and foreign affairs, while the Government of Hong Kong is responsible for its own legal system, police force, monetary system, customs policy,
    immigration policy and so on. Can’t we, then, expect greater
    accommodation on China’s part of Tibetan aspirations for autonomy?

    While resolutely resisting every attempt to fan an anti-communist and anti-China frenzy over Tibet, we do hold that state repression can only be counterproductive, providing grist to the imperialist mill and
    allowing greater room for US interference in the region. A lasting solution can be reached only through political dialogue in a democratic atmosphere.

    Full: http://links.org.au/node/321

    Subscribe free to Links – International Journal of Socialist Renewal – at http://www.feedblitz.com/f/?Sub=343373

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  32. So BiIl quotes the history of modern Jugoslavia as an example of the tendency against national minorities being either assimilated or incorportated into multi-national states.

    Well the break up of Jugoslavia has hardly been a sucess story has it?

    But in almost every nation state in the world arrangements have been made to incoorporate ethnic and social diversity, for example the Sami people in Scandanavia, the Walloons in Belgium, the Slavs in Eastern Germany.

    To argue that the only framework for solution is political seperatism is idealism.

    I am surprised at Charlie Hore’s snioing that kautsky got lots of things wrong. Well maybe, but as Czech socialist perhaops his views on the Czech question were insightful, in the very different specific circumstances he was living in.

    If you think these issues have gone away, then look at the magyar minorities in Slovakia, in the old Czechoslovakia the 600000 Hungarian population had national minority rights to use their own language, etc, and there was no politial issue. A successful accomodation had been made.

    Now in the NATO state of Slovakia, the Magyar minirity are forced to use Slovak for all official business with the state. this is an example where the rupture of the multinational Czechoslovak state which previously constitionally protecte the minorities has broken into two ethnic states, which not only discriminate against Roma but also Hungarians.

    This is a good example that the “principle” of national self determination is something that must be judged in terms of politics. The Slovaks culd only exercise their “right to self determination” by forming a state that descriminated against the Hungarian minority, in the same way that Estonia denies full citizenship to the 30% of its population who speak Russian.

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  33. So presumably the Czech’s should have forced the Slovaks to remain as part of a united nation for their own good?
    From my memory of it, this is what the Serbs tried to do with the Slovenians. It was the start of the Balkan war.

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  34. Bil: “Andy Newman’s policy is one of forced assimilation. ”

    no it isn’t. Nor have I suggested anything like that.

    (Sentence deleted – Liam)

    It is also ludicrous self-aggrandisement to suggest that I “have a policy”.

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  35. Outside of tearful ramblings about ‘demacracy’ there really doesn’t seem to be a concerted campaign to ‘break up China’ by western imperialism. The brutal treatment meted out to protesters in Greece, not by China, but by the Greek police, sums up for me the wests real agenda here.

    Lots of heartfelt rhetoric combined with an iron fist. The answer to the conundrum of why western imperialism speaks with forked tougue on this issue may have something to do with China being the fastest sector of global capitalism.

    This is why there has been little coverage in the western media of other protests which give reason to think that the Chinese state may have serious worries of a repeat of a Mexican Olympic’s scenario.

    The possibility of a ferocious clamp down in Tibet is very real (it may already have happened its not easy to tell) not because of a heroic stand against western imperialism, but because it is quite likely that the burdgening protest movements inside China on issues ranging from Enviromentalism to wages may find expression on the global stage in the coming months.

    I just read a story in the Independent about a prominant news anchor in China who grabbed the microphone and blurted out “if China does’nt have humane values what is the point of holding the Olympic’s here, actually?”. She’s been imprisoned for the duration of the Olympics.

    I think its very unwise for the left here to treat the situation as if its a re-run of recent events in Latin America or the Middle East. China ain’t Iraq and it ain’t Venezuela either. Its an engine of neo-liberal capitalist growth.

    In the 21st century the future of the left probably lies on the streets of China, and I think we have to be a bit careful therefore about re-running the kind of rhetoric which may be held against us by our potential allies in that part of the world if the crisis deepens, and which I think Andy’s piece does, and more generally we have to be careful not to reproduce the regimes propaganda confusing Richard Gere with the Tibetan people, or imagining that somehow this is an argument with the life style choices of Californians.

    If western politicians like having a dig at their capitalist rivals in China, nobody but nobody, wants the party (in both senses) to stop. It could well be that we will see very serious political developments in China over the coming year, which will do more then anything to tear up the script of both western imperialism and the representatives of global capitalism in China.

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  36. JOhn

    My argument is that the Tibetan protests are a speciific manifestaion of the enormous discontent throughout China over growing wealth inequality, repression, inhumanity, lack of democracy, etc

    the Tibetan issue is a class issue expressed as a national issue, becasue of the particular circumstances, and becasue of the ideological hegemony of nationalism.

    To recognise that is not to take sides with the Chinese government, and I agree that further repression will only make the question worse.

    BUt given that we have zero infleunce on the Chinese government, the pertinent issue is how this issue is manifesting itself in british politics, in which case some nuanced understanding of the complexities may be more uselful that sloganeering, bad historical similies, and cheerleading for aplogists of slavery.

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  37. Johng

    There was lots of rhetoric about Kosovo and no action by the west for two years. The US state department even called the KLA a terrorist organisation. Then, Nato fell into line behind the doctrine of humanitarian imperialism and we went to war.

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  38. Liam

    I do like your comments policy, but if you leave up a scandalous accusatioon by Bill that i support assimilation by force, and then delete my resonse to his personal attack there is a lack of symettry.

    I go back to the fact that every serious theorist of the national question, and all professional historians recognise that in the formation of nation states there is a process of assimilation, and accomodation.

    If Bill would like to take issue with this incontrovertible fact then I suggest he engages with the arguments of Benedict Anderson, Ernest Gellner and Eric Hobsbawm (wearing his historian hat)

    What is more it may well be in the individual and collective interest of an ethnic or cultural minority to pursue a policy of seeking recognition and impreovement within a state, rather than seperation from it. The classic case being black African-Americans.

    It is quite legitimat for socialists to both argue against the undemocratic repression by the Chinese government, and still argue that an independent Tibet would be a mistake, given the class nature and specific characteristics of the Tibetan independence movement.

    It is hard to see how someone misrepresenting my position as being the same as forcible assimilation is helpful to a rational debate.

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  39. “It is quite legitimat for socialists to both argue against the undemocratic repression by the Chinese government, “

    legitimate? annexing the whole country of Tibet is a little with more than “undemocratic repression”

    as shown above the Chinese CP acknowledged Tibet’s as an independent country in 1931

    so until socialist’s acknowledge the Tibetans genuine grievances, and lay off the sub-Stalinist propaganda on behalf of the Chinese ruling classes, then they won’t be taken seriously on this subject

    the Tibetans have genuine grievances and these need to be acknowledged

    it doesn’t matter about the Dalai llama, the grievances are independent of his existence, because as every Marxist should know they are MATERIAL grievances in Tibet

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  40. Well thats true Kevin but I don’t think the analogy holds much water. If you look at the former yugoslavia what you see is a state falling apart under the impact of a neo-liberalism adopted under pressure from the world market and international financial institutions associated with the functioning of global imperialism. China on the other hand is the fastest growing segment of global capitalism which is a serious competitor certainly of European capitalism. Unlike in the case of the former Yugoslavia, the kind of political instability that would be associated with political breakup of that territory would pull not only the Japanese economy down but quite likely the US one as well (look at how fragile things are as they stand).

    The real political issue here is to do with those who believe that the significance of Chinese economic success for Socialists is that it provides a counterbalence to US imperialism (perhaps there is some nostalgia for the cold war in this respect) as well as possibly an alternative economic model (a kind of venezuela or cuba writ large). This would be wholly mistaken. Insofar as there has been emulation of Chinese economic models these are likely to take the shape of the same kind of authoritarian neo-liberalism and act to narrow down, as opposed to widening the economic options facing weaker countries.

    The tragedy of political developments in Bengal in India, were a left wing government has occassionally invoked the Chinese model to justify its repressive policies towards peasents and SEZ’s is a very concrete example of why such political illusions are wholly misdirected. Unlike the right, my position on whats happening in Bengal is not that this is some kind of unique expression of Communist totalitarianism, but simply that such policies should be opposed whoever is imposing them. Exactly the same is true of China.

    China is an enemy of the working class in the region and not a friend, and for all of Andy’s talk about the British situation being different, if over the Olympics there is a wider explosion of resentment and we are stuck with either his kind of analyses or on the other hand, an analyses which compares Tibet with Kosova the left will be discredited and hamstrung. To say it again, the future of the left in the 21st century is likely to be Chinese.

    The key political point about the Dalai Lama is not that as a boy he ruled a feudal kingdom, or on the other hand that later in life he attempted to play to the American gallery, but that the US has no genuine interest in preventing the kind of exploitation and oppression of the kind of authoritarian neo-liberalism represented by China. They may well hate each others guts (although I think this can be greatly overstated) but there is absolutely no genuine clash of interests involved. Nor do any of the western powers. As for an actual military intervention. Surely you jest. One recalls a certain statement about bringing it on.

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  41. JOhn: “if over the Olympics there is a wider explosion of resentment and we are stuck with either his kind of analyses or on the other hand, an analyses which compares Tibet with Kosova the left will be discredited and hamstrung.”

    Actually I say pretty much the same thing about Kosovo as well.

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  42. the Left are hamstrung on Tibet (or part of it), as they are reduce to arguing over feudalism and the Dalai llama, whilst Tibetans are beaten to death and incarcerated by the Chinese state’s security apparatus

    still, if we mention feudalism and how the Chinese have brought literacy to Tibet that allegedly makes it all worthwhile?

    if that fails, dismiss the Tibetans and make up scare stories about the return of feudalism (which is about as likely as it returning to France)

    should the spectre of fake feudalism not scare enough people to back the Chinese ruling classes, then wave the bogus idea of Tibetan independence around and hope that does it

    but all of that doesn’t change the exploitation that the Tibetans face at the hands of the Chinese ruling classes, nor does it explain the root causes of the Tibetans’ grievances, which should be socialist’s prime concern

    ultimately Western capitalism will back China’s rulers and suppress any Tibetan protests over the Olympics.

    The Western ruling classes know which side their bread is buttered on and they will firmly support China’s elite, despite the outward rhetoric of concerns for human rights.

    But the question here is who do socialists support?

    China’s ruling class or the Tibetans. Make your mind up.

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  43. Well it comes to something when Indian Maoists like Liberation ML have a far better position then supposed ‘socialists’ on the British left, who have absolutely no excuse for this kind of garbage.

    The reality is that in countries in the global south were neo-liberalism has fast tracked countries into independent centres of capital accumulation (a decided minority of such countries it should be said) the left has a serious problem in terms of opposing the depredations associated with this on the basis of real aspirations and massive social change associated with the same.

    (Sentence deleted. See comments policy. Liam)

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  44. Andy is perfectly correct that the process of formation of the nation state has historically involved the assimilation of linguistic/cultural minorities, and that this is often a peaceful, consensual process (though Belgium is really not a good example of this). But – is that what has been happening in Tibet since 1959? That’s the question.

    And it’s not enough to say that this is simply an echo of the general discontent within China. There is a separate and specific dynamic to struggles in Tibet and in Xinjiang, because of the realities of national/religious oppression.

    As far as the US and China are concerned, let’s not forget that from 1971 onwards there was a tacit diplomatic/political alliance between the two against the USSR, so the idea that the US has been engaged in a sustained campaign to undermine China’s unity ever since 1949 really doesn’t stand up.

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  45. Surely the task at hand is to build a revolutionary Marxist party in Tibet as a section of the Fourth International, to provide the leadership that the Tibetan working class needs to combine the tasks of national-democratic and socialist revolution in a process of political revolution against the Beijing Stalinist bureaucracy?

    Why isn’t anybody advancing the only correct perspective on what is ostensibly a Trotskyist blog?

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  46. daveinstokenewington is a genius. why is this great leader of the millioned masses not more widely known about on the left? I understand that his post here has produced an outbreak of millenial fervour in Tibet with hundreds of thousands taking to the street demanding ‘we want davefromstokenewington’. Thank goodness for that. A number of toilers spoke to CNN stating how relieved they were to have been told that ‘they shouldn’t support’ the Dalai Lama, whilst others wanted to know more about this slovakia business. 12 papers were sold.

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  47. sorry liam. would ‘a bloody disgrace’ be more appropriate. or just ‘disgraceful’. because it is.

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  48. let’s be specific about the dynamics in Tibet and are we then surprised if the Tibetans are a bit cheesed off or occasionally bolshie?

    1. Tibet gets invaded by a Chinese military force
    2. the Chinese military occupy the capital
    3. China annexes Tibet
    4. the Chinese ruling class encourages settlement in Tibet
    5. Tibetans are subject to second-class treatment educationally, job wise, health and in terms of basic civil rights
    6. etc

    now if that was to occur in any other country or entity, than some socialists wouldn’t spend any energy defending it or trying to cloud the issues, but in this case it is Tibet so a lot of re-fried and regurgitated Stalinism is brought up to defend the Chinese take-over of Tibet

    Now lets look at this notion, plucked from the ether, that somehow western imperialists wish to break up China

    how exactly would they do that? war? rhetoric? or by smoke and mirrors?

    and how would the Chinese respond, passively?? unlikely

    because once you examined this ridiculous notion it falls apart. the Chinese ruling class are not going to split the country simply based on **anything** that is said in the West.

    no amount of rhetoric will break up China.

    as for war, that is highly unlikely as China is linked inextricably to Western capitalism, the ruling classes’ self-interests are linked

    and even if they wanted to, the Chinese People’s Army is the biggest Army in the world.

    so all in all the notion that Western imperialists want to break up China, and could actually bring it about, is an absurd fantasy.

    but it highlights why Tibet is so important to China

    it’s not oil as with the Middle East, but the exploitation of Tibetan raw materials

    Tibet has an abundance of raw materials and China gets them at zero cost, just the extraction and those precious materials fuel Chinese capitalism’s industrialisation

    so nowadays socialists should be more realistic about the Chinese ruling classes’ intent, method and history, there is no need for illusions or excuses over their actions in Tibet

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  49. Dave is very well known in the lefty blogosphere and I laughed out loud when I read his comment. That was probably the intention.

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  50. Useful material by (or about) Tibetan and Chinese Marxists on Tibet at

    http://links.org.au/node/321#comment-226

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  51. ” the process of formation of the nation state has historically involved the assimilation of linguistic/cultural minorities, and that this is often a peaceful, consensual process ”

    More often, it’s not. The ‘official language’ is usually in a far more privileged position than minority ones.
    In the UK, for instance, it speaking Welsh or Scots Gaelic was penalised in schools and English prayer books were imposed in Cornwall and the Irish language was supressed.

    However, Welsh, Scots & Irish Gaelic survived and are even undergoing something of a revival.
    This doesn’t imply the need for seperate states.
    Different linguistic groups can coexist for millenia within a unified state, even an opressive one.
    Mainly because the minorities are usually bilingual.
    Making the situation more equal doesn’t imply a need for full independence.

    Another relevant example would be the Lakota in the US. Contrary to popular belief there are more of them now than in the 19th C. They’ve been confined in small reservations with 80% unemployment in a situation where the farming population in North and South Dakota is declining – giving them a bigger autonomous area and helping them engage in farming (as opposed to the casino economy) would seem like a sensible measure. In fact, many of the Plains Indians were farmers in the Great Lakes region before pressure from the East and the availability of the horse pushed them into Buffalo hunting.

    I don’t see why the questions of Tibetan culture and language can’t be dealt with by China in a similar way.
    Undoubtedly, the resentments there are due to the fact that these are under pressure from the Han dominated state, however much this is being exploited by people we wouldn’t want anything to do with politically.

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  52. chjh: “As far as the US and China are concerned, let’s not forget that from 1971 onwards there was a tacit diplomatic/political alliance between the two against the USSR, so the idea that the US has been engaged in a sustained campaign to undermine China’s unity ever since 1949 really doesn’t stand up.

    Taiwan, spy-planes, Bush’s recent talks with Muslims in north west China. And, the Chinese govt’s brutish response notwithstanding, involvement in Tian An Men Sq and support for the Falun Gong … Charlie, when did the CIA turn into Santa Claus for you?

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  53. Priankoff

    perhaps I could have more happily described the process as assimilation and/or accomodation of minorities.

    Interestingly, in historical terms the only state in Western europe who engaged in compulsory assimilation was France.

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  54. I think we should also remember that in 1951 when China intervened in Tibet, the Chienese had only just emerged from a national liberation struggle against the japanese, who had murdered, raped, destroyed and forced people into slavery, and used Chinese for medical experiments.

    Whatever the tragedy of unfulfilled promise, the excesses and madness of the cultural revolution that came later, the victory of the Chinese Communit Party of expelling the occupying forces, and creating in 1949 a modern republic in a unified China is one of the greatest historical victories in human history.

    The idea that only two years later this generation of Chinese leaders who had fought with rifles in their own hands to free their land and people from foreign tyranny would be hell bent on imperialist expansion is fantasy politics.

    Tibet was historically part of China, and Tibetan and Cinese politics cannot be easily seperated. The Chinese intervention in 1951 was not out of the blue, but linked to an internal power struggle within Tibet, where China aided the more progressive forces. And between 1951 and 1959 the Chinese policy in Tibet was remarkable tolerant and modestly paced.

    Although they admittedly did repress parts of traditional tibetan culture, like slavery, amputation, eye gouging and disembowling of runaway serfs, keeping women perpetually pregnant by having to service four or more brothers, stealing children from the parents and the rape of children in monstaries, and the keeping of 95% of the population and all women illiterate.

    What changed in 1959? A CIA sponsored coup attempt formented by the restorationist landlords and monastaries. Only when the monks proved that they were intent on aiding feudall restoration and were in collaboration with US imperialism did China take a firmer policy.

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  55. Anna – I don’t get why pointing out the tacit alliance between Mao and Nixon (carried on by Deng and Reagan) amounts to loving up to the CIA. The CIA and Mao were on the same side in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka in 1971, Angola in 1975…

    Of course the US government tries to take advantage of all forms of opposition in China – that’s a given. But the idea that US policy towards China can be reduced to the US wanting to break up China is nonsense. Economically, the US is increasingly dependent on China, both as a supplier of cheap manufactured goods and as a source of capital to prop up Wall Street. But China’s equally dependent on the US as an export market. And at the same time they’re competing with each other to buy cheap raw materials from Africa and Latin America (anyone doubting that the category of ‘imperialism’ can be applied to China should read the growing literature on China’s exploitation of Africa).

    It’s a complex and contradictory relationship – co-operation and competition at the same time. Reducing it to Itchy and Scratchy doesn’t help.

    Andy – if China was aiding the more progressive forces in Tibet, how come they were allied so closely with the Dalai Lama for most of the 1950s? And if the more progressive forces won out in 1959, how come none of them made it into leading positions in the government or the local CCP?

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  56. Charlie, there’re even books written by CIA operatives about their escapades in Tibet, including this one:
    http://www.intotibet.info/aboutthebook.html

    They are having talks with the Muslims in north west China. They are up to their eyeballs in Falun Gong (yes, I know, that doesn’t justify the vicious response by the Chinese authorities) … I’m sorry, I don’t have the polaroids and until I do I understand that you’ll hold fast to your position.

    All together: “There are no Poles in Poland …”

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  57. Charlie

    I am sure you know more about China than me, but on this you are wrong.

    You can’t have your cake and eat it. If you claim that the CCP invaded China in 1951, then you can’t use the evidence that they actually allowed the Dalai Lama to run the country until 1959 as evidence that they were in alliance with the old order.

    For rhetorical effect i did collapse the time scales, and fudge over differences between reforms brought in after 1959 and reforms in the 1950s. It doesn’t change the substance of my argument.

    To be more accurate the power struggle was between those who wanted closer links with China, now with a unified republican government, and those who saw allaince with Britain and the US as a better guarantee of their feudal privilages. I must remind you that although Tibet had an independent state in 1950, it was not a nation state, the Tibetan serfs and indentured monks were slaves. Owned by the landlords and lamas. Slaves are not citizens.

    The Chinese in 1951 aranged by treaty that they would allow Tibet limited self government, but Beijing would be responsible for foreign policy and defence (the same terrible imperialist control that Britain exercises today over the Channel Islands and Isle of man) The Chinese did start reforms buidling hospitals and roads, and abolishing the massive interest rates on loans that created forms of indentured labour.

    You are correct to pull me up on the factt that the bulk of progressive reforms happened after 1959, and the landlords and lamas revolt was not so much to restore slavery, but to preserve it, very much in the manner of the secession of the Confederate States of America. I am sure that to be consistent you would also support the national self-determination of Dixieland.”Tibet – Old times dar am not forgotten, Look away, look away.”

    The gradualism of the CCP was abandoned in the face of determined military oppositioon and treachery by the landlord classes and lamas, in cahoots with the CIA, because they were determined to preserve their feudal barbarism.

    on your argument – how come no Tibetans made it into government and senior positioons in the CP – this shows your idealist and ahistorival assumptiuon that Tibet was a nation in the modern sense.

    I have news for you, nations are divided into classes, and in brutal feudalism, equivelent to the dark ages in early mediaeval Europe most people are not eductaed, and live in small face to face communities and are deeply ignorant.

    The dominant class of the monks and the landlords were the only ones with any access to literacy and their national culture. The vast majority of the Tibetans were brutalised serfs, habituated only to back breaking manual labour and with access to only the crudest of animal sensual pleasures. they never left the plot of land they were indentured on.

    Given that the educated monks and the landlords were opposed to the Communists, and the emancipated serfs were completely uneducated, can you hazaard a guess for yourself why it has took a while to incorporate Tibetans into national life in leading positions?

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  58. Neumann:
    “Priankoff (sp Prian(i)koff*)
    Interestingly, in historical terms the only state in Western europe who engaged in compulsory assimilation was France.”

    Do you mean modern France?
    French is the only recognised language, so Breton state schools aren’t allowed.
    In fact, France hasn’t accepted the European Charter on Minority Languages.

    Welsh was discouraged in schools during the19th C, which is a form of forced assimilation.
    But it’s had equal status in the UK since the 1990’s.
    Scots Gaelic underwent a decline as a result of the Highland Clearances.

    BTW, on the Lakota, following a “declaration of an independent Lakota republic” in January, a spokesman from the Bureau of Indian Affairs said this:-

    “the bottom line is when they begin the process of violating other people’s rights, breaking the law, they’re going to end up like all the other groups that have declared themselves independent – usually getting arrested and being put in jail,”

    http://www.indiancountry.com/content.cfm?id=1096416411

    Sound familiar?
    Subsitute “Tibet” and “China”, for “Lakota” and “USA” and you begin to smell double standards……

    * Prianik Medoviy – Honey Cookies
    see:

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  59. Yes I mean modern France, and of course the annexation of Elsass and Lothrigen were based upon the most blatently chauvinist arguments, that despite the fact the populations were entirely German at the time, France had to expand to its “natural border” of the Rhine.

    This had a dramatic effect on developing both German and French nationalism

    Lieb’ Vaterland, magst ruhig sein,
    Fest steht und treu die Wacht am Rhein !

    and all that.

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  60. all of this discussion about nations is fascinating

    however it doesn’t deal with the reality of Chinese rule in Tibet:

    1. one-party dictatorship
    2. how feudalism is replaced by rule of the Party secretary
    3. that the Party secretary was appointed by Beijing and kept in power by armed bodies of men
    4. etc

    nor does it deal with the root causes of Tibetans resentment, and their deprivation in terms of basic civil rights, educational entitlement, cultural history, etc

    the rape of the Tibetan countryside by the Chinese ruling elite in their quest for raw materials

    those are the issues, real issues concerning REAL people

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  61. Anna – I’m not disputing that the CIA was active in Tibet (though if you read, say, Tsering Shakya, the impression is that they were amateurish and ineffectual). But the CIA were also active in Hungary in 1956. They didn’t cause the rising, though – that was the product of real oppression.

    But the economic ties between US capitalism and China are much more important to the US ruling class. Alex Callinicos is good on this in this week’s Socialist Worker http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/art.php?id=14486

    Andy – if the 1959 revolt was about reintroducing slavery, how come it was supported by most Tibetans? And your argument about the lack of Tibetan cadre wouldn’t have worked even in the 1960s. A small number of Tibetans joined the CCP on the Long March, so by 1956 had spent some 20 years in the CCP. Their literacy and educational levels would have been no different to Chinese peasants who joined the CCP at the same time.

    And it’s now 2008 – the schools the Chinese built have been in operation for almost fifty years. But it’s still the case that the higher up the chain of power you go, the more Chinese you find.

    What’s worying is how much of your bringing the benefits of civilisation to the backward natives argument could have been made in defence of the British Raj.

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  62. Andy sounds more desperate by the day on the question of Tibet………………..he’s all over the place!

    To repeat what has so eloquently been put earlier by modernity blog:

    modernityblog, on March 25th, 2008 at 5:01 pm Said:
    the Left are hamstrung on Tibet (or part of it), as they are reduce to arguing over feudalism and the Dalai llama, whilst Tibetans are beaten to death and incarcerated by the Chinese state’s security apparatus

    still, if we mention feudalism and how the Chinese have brought literacy to Tibet that allegedly makes it all worthwhile?

    if that fails, dismiss the Tibetans and make up scare stories about the return of feudalism (which is about as likely as it returning to France)

    should the spectre of fake feudalism not scare enough people to back the Chinese ruling classes, then wave the bogus idea of Tibetan independence around and hope that does it

    but all of that doesn’t change the exploitation that the Tibetans face at the hands of the Chinese ruling classes, nor does it explain the root causes of the Tibetans’ grievances, which should be socialist’s prime concern

    ultimately Western capitalism will back China’s rulers and suppress any Tibetan protests over the Olympics.

    The Western ruling classes know which side their bread is buttered on and they will firmly support China’s elite, despite the outward rhetoric of concerns for human rights.

    But the question here is who do socialists support?

    China’s ruling class or the Tibetans?

    Make your mind up.

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  63. Clearly there are different sorts of socialists, some who are sadly misguided and living on another planet and see China as some kind of socialist state and others are equally misguided having been sucked in by stalinist propaganda and want to belive that the Chinese regime, while it has faults has suitably benefitted the Tibetan people and in the general scheme of things is somehow more preferable than US imperialism.

    Maybe it’s about time more Socialists actually learnt to listen more in solidarity to what the people of Tibet are actually saying about the nature of their oppression and the brutal occupation of Tibet and support their legitimate right for self-determination free from interference from Chinese and US imperialism.

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  64. […] Mac Uaid wrote a brief piece the other week criticising the arguments I am putting forward about China and Tibet. In this article […]

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  65. Andy will allow the Tibetan people “cultural autonomy”. Unfortunately for him they don’t want it.
    They justly distrust the Chinese authorities and do not believe that they would deliver on such a vacuous phrase.
    So they want self determination.
    Andy wants to deny them self determination – for their own good for course – so his method for enforcing cultural autonomy is to force them to accept it at the barrel of a gun.
    There is no other way.

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  66. Bill, if you engaged with what i actually argue, rather than what you fantasise i might argue if I thought something totally different, then we might get on better.

    I also don’t know how you thik it is in my gift to grant or dent cultura autonomy or inxdependene to the Tibetans. They have to deal with the harsh reality of 70 million members of the CCP and 7 millions soldiers in thr PLA, not some comments on a blog.

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  67. picking apart Engels, etc seems by the by, if we can’t agree on the basics that China has been extremely brutal in Tibet and that the Tibetans have genuine grievances, then esoteric arguments on Engels are largely irrelevant, as demonstrated by:

    http://www.socialistunity.com/?p=1978#comment-57032

    “46. BPS

    From what I can gather from the Chinese press (South China Morning Post, for example) and overseas Chinese bloggers, almost ALL Han Chinese, from the democracy protesters, to liberals in Hong Kong, to nationlists in Taiwan, support the position of the Chinese state in Tibet.

    This is largely becasue of the way the myths about Chinese brutality have been peddled, along with the Shangri-la-la land bollocks about Tibet. And also the fact that the Western media ignores riots and protests by Han Chinese against exactly the same sort of economic issues, and then makes a huge fuss about riots in Tibet.

    More people are killed on the roads every day in China (250 per day) I read recently in Die Welt.

    If comrades think that posturing about the right of Tibetans to self determination, and pompously asking “which side are you on” is breakig Han Chinese from chauvinism they couldn’t be more wrong. I read one Hong Kong blogger who said he would never listen to or trust the Western left ever again becasue of the knee jerk support for Tibetan independence.”

    So there we have it, the invocation of road deaths in China to disparage the brutal killing of Tibetans by the Chinese State Security apparatus

    the fact that one is accidental and the other deliberate, by the Chinese ruling class, is incidental to SU’s proprietor

    as for “… overseas Chinese bloggers, almost ALL Han Chinese …support the position of the Chinese state in Tibet.”

    What exactly is the Chinese State’s position in Tibet?

    Continued Chinese rule of Tibet, repression, no dissent and rule of Tibet by the Party Secretary? is that really what they support?

    Newman, are we to take your word on this? or could there be some other possible explanation, hasn’t that occurred to you?

    Could it be that the news blockade and Chinese state propaganda has had a role in shaping people’s views on this matter?

    Hey, there’s a radical thought: the ruling class in a country try to control the media and shape ideology!

    Wow, we’ve never heard that one before, have we? Do you suppose that the Chinese ruling class could be trying this?**


    ** sarcasm

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  68. This I think is the right tone to adopt. Arundhatti Roy scooped the left in opposing the nuclear tests in India before they rediscovered their guts, after being disparaged as just another celeb politico she was jailed for offending the powers that be, and here in an extraordinary interview she talks of how the left should relate to neo-liberalism and its fake nationalism and the legacy of the actually existing socialisms etc. Its such a breath of bloody fresh air after all the equivication. As with William Burroughs this is the naked lunch. The moment when everyone see’s exactly what is at the end of everyone’s fork. And it comes to something when a so called celeb politico is a damn sight better then most of the booklearned Marxists. Read and learn.

    http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?ItemID=12425

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  69. […] – I refer readers who are interested to Andy, to Madam Miaow and for a contrary viewpoint to Liam. But here’s a little counterintuitive nugget – since 1988, Chinese law has required all […]

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  70. […] I have wanted to write about Tibet for ages and recently discussed some of the issues, here and here, finally I managed to galvanise my mind for a post at […]

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  71. modernityblog Avatar
    modernityblog

    a million quid, 2000+ police and the mass ranks of the State to protect the Chinese ruling classes’ pride and that silly Olympic torch, what a waste

    Gordon Brown is positively joined at the hip with Beijing, which should make some think about these issues here again?

    I wonder how many people were cheering on the police for attacking pro-Tibetan supporters?

    Will the Morning Star have a Monday morning headline:

    “Running-dog-lackies of the Dalai clique fail to stop the progress of Chinese socialism and the Olympic torch”?

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  72. […] seems very straightforward and honourable, but I think he has misunderstood the situation. However, Liam Mac Uaid also supports Tibetan […]

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