Dear comrade,

Labour’s vote collapsed to a historic low in last week’s elections as the right made gains. The Tories under David Cameron are now set to win the next general election.

The British National Party (BNP) secured two seats in the European parliament. Never before have fascists achieved such a success in Britain. The result has sent a shockwave across the labour and anti-fascist movements, and the left.

The meltdown of the Labour vote and the civil war engulfing the party poses a question—where do we go from here?

The fascists pose a threat to working class organisations, black, Asian and other residents of this country—who BNP führer Nick Griffin dubs “alien”— our civil liberties and much else. History teaches us that fascism can be fought and stopped, but only if we unite to resist it.

The SWP firmly believes that the first priority is to build even greater unity and resistance to the fascists over the coming months and years. The BNP believes it has created the momentum for it to achieve a breakthrough. We have to break its momentum.

The success of the anti-Nazi festival in Stoke and the numbers of people who joined in anti-fascist campaigning shows the basis is there for a powerful movement against the Nazis.

The Nazis’ success will encourage those within the BNP urging a “return to the streets”. This would mean marches targeting multiracial areas and increased racist attacks. We need to be ready to mobilise to stop that occurring.
 
Griffin predicted a “perfect storm” would secure the BNP’s success. The first part of that storm he identified was the impact of the recession. The BNP’s policies of scapegoating migrants, black and Asian people will divide working people and make it easier to drive through sackings, and attacks on services and pensions.

Unity is not a luxury. It is a necessity. If we do not stand together we will pay the price for a crisis we did not cause.

The second lesson from the European elections is that we need a united fightback to save jobs and services.

If Cameron is elected he will attempt to drive through policies of austerity at the expense of the vast majority of the British people. But the Tories’ vote fell last week and they are nervous about pushing through attacks. Shadow chancellor George Osborne told business leaders, “After three months in power we will be the most unpopular government since the war.” We need to prepare for battle.

But there is a third and vital issue facing the left and the wider working class. The crisis that has engulfed Westminster benefited the BNP.

The revelations of corruption, which cabinet members were involved in, were too much for many Labour voters, who could not bring themselves to vote for the party. One answer to the problem is to say that we should swallow everything New Labour has done and back it to keep David Cameron, and the BNP, out.

Yet it would take a miracle for Gordon Brown to be elected back into Downing Street. The danger is that by simply clinging on we would be pulled down with the wreckage of New Labour.

Mark Serwotka, the general secretary of the PCS civil service workers’ union, has asked how, come the general election, can we ask working people to cast a ballot for ministers like Pat McFadden.

McFadden is pushing through the privatisation of the post office. Serwotka proposes that trade unions should stand candidates. Those who campaigned against the BNP in the elections know that when they said to people, “Don’t vote Nazi” they were often then asked who people should vote for.

The fact that there is no single, united left alternative to Labour means there was no clear answer available. The European election results demonstrate that the left of Labour vote was small, fragmented and dispersed. The Greens did not make significant gains either. The mass of Labour voters simply did not vote. We cannot afford a repeat of that.

The SWP is all too aware of the differences and difficulties involved in constructing such an alternative. We do not believe we have all the answers or a perfect prescription for a left wing alternative. But we do believe we have to urgently start a debate and begin planning to come together to offer such an alternative at the next election, with the awareness that Gordon Brown might not survive his full term. One simple step would be to convene a conference of all those committed to presenting candidates representing working class interests at the next election.

The SWP is prepared to help initiate such a gathering and to commit its forces to such a project. We look forward to your response.

Yours fraternally,

Socialist Workers Party
 
Download the pdf here

45 responses to “An open letter to the left from the Socialist Workers Party: it's time to create a socialist alternative”

  1. I think this is to be welcomed and that all the left and different campaigns should participate on the basis of open meetings with democratic votes to decide policies and ways forward.

    It also links with calls from Bob Crow http://socialistresistance.org/?p=537
    and some others such as the AWL
    http://www.workersliberty.org/newsocialistalliance

    And it is also overdue in other areas- such as cooperation against closures, privatisation and other attacks for example the current – or at least about to begin- all-out strike to reinstate Rob Williams

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  2. Hats off to the SWP!

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  3. Is not the convention of the left the forum for this? Mass absenteesism, a gain overall for the left in the uk( Greens, SLP NO2EU) and a host of votes for small parties plus the major parties polling no more than 28% with all falling in support or holding steady. A huge vacum to be filled. Yet the SWP who have been at the root of the three major splits in the UK – SA, Respect and SSP – overblow the relevance of a rcist BNP. Who would trust them again!

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  4. The convention of the left should certainly feed into all this: however, that was explicitly not yet electoral. But certainly forces in it should be consulted and invited along to this new initiative.

    However, I think we should be enthusiastic about this call and convene open democratic meetings supporting it to debate the kind of policies we need and how to get there.

    And yes low turn out and major boost both to natioanlists/ almost racists (UKIP) and the not only racist but fascist BNP party (though most of the voters are anti-immigrant nationalists with a large number of racists but very few fascists amongst the voters)- this really should and must be a wake up call to the left to rebuild the workers’ movement and a socialist voice within it.

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  5. Do you have to trust somebody 100% in order to work with them against fascism,climate change and the bosses plans to make us pay for their crisis.
    Normal people don’t trust anybody 100% – political parties,unions,intellectuals,campaigners,students,media,the internet,etc etc.But it doesn’t stop us getting together to fight when necessary.

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  6. I know that history repeats itself as farce but what is it called when it’s on a loop?

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  7. Alex Naysmith Avatar
    Alex Naysmith

    I read the SWP’s proposal and at first I considered it to be something positive. But a sober consideration for yet another alliance with the SWP is demanded as a result of the SWP split from RESPECT. It is perfectly reasonable to question the motives of the SWP: why the need for an alliance now? They’ve carried out their own anti-fascist campaigning and organised their own festivals separate from Searchlight.

    The conclusion of the RESPECT split was that the SWP are incapable of forming any sort of alliance. The prestige of the SWP CC comes first and their acolyte membership will always believe what the CC tell them no matter what. A further consequence of the RESPECT split is that the remaining members of SWP will be condensed ultra-loyalists; the last people on earth who would challenge their party’s apparatus and the sort of people who would believe that the split in RESPECT was a result of the tensions between the ‘revolutionary left’ and south Asian communalism led by teh Asian businessmen. What safeguards can there be to prevent the CC orchestrating zealots against uppity ‘others’ in any alliance?

    If I were to be belligerent, I would demand that the SWP concede, publicly, that the dodgy £5000 cheque diverted to the ‘Organising for Fighting Unions’ was a breach of the electoral commission’s rules, something which Professor Callinicos struggles to grasp: http://www.socialistunity.com/?p=3209#more-3209 – para74.

    Times are hard with the recession and all, and with a full-timer apparatus to maintain they’ll need more members to mitigate the steadily falling returns from standing orders and shrinking membership. I expect the success of the far-right will provoke an increased interest in anti-fascist campaigning and the SWP know that new faces will come their way as long as they can present themselves as part of a united battle against the fascists and not come across as a domineering, meddlesome sect interested only in their own preservation. Left unity is the holy grail, but I’m afraid I’m going to need a lot of convincing before I regard this initiative as anything other than a covert SWP membership drive.

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  8. “It is perfectly reasonable to question the motives of the SWP: why the need for an alliance now? ”

    Uh… do you watch the news?

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  9. It would be good to get apologies etc from groups like the SWP for their destructive activities in the past, but the past is the past. It may be an SWP membership drive; but it’s surely worth exploring? In the debate between Callinicos and Sabado it was noted that Callinicos did (implicitly) admit some culpability for the terrible state of the UK left; perhaps the SWP are taking a turn for the better? I can’t tell from the antipodes but hope springs eternal….

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  10. Let’s say though that the SWP are doing it as a membership drive perhaps because as Alex says they know that new faces will come their way due to genuine horror at the fascists advance and continuing attacks by Labour. That may well be the motivation from some in the SWP but even so then all it means is not doing backroom deals but making all decisions openly and democratically.

    That learns from the past without any need for further public recriminations.

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  11. dazedandconfused Avatar
    dazedandconfused

    To dismiss this out of hand would be as sectarian as the SWP’s history. They remain a large component of the left and continue to hold many fine activists. And yet, and yet. Is there any evidence of drawing a balance sheet of SA, Respect etc.? I could be wrong but this is absent from published material. The SWP is of course absolutely right to note the urgency of unity but this is still the organisation that set back its realisation repeatedly and sometimes crassly.It’s an initiative to be welcomed but treated with caution. Perhaps it reflects a healthy, not quite forgotten urge for unity in the dog days of the left but to accept it as face value will lead to tears and further demoralisation. Is this just the latest get rich quick wheeze?

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  12. I don’t like the manouvres of the SWP in Ireland or elsewhere but there is a touch of paranoia about them.
    You would think that the CPB, SP and everyone else were as pure as the driven snow when it comes to cooperation. Let us get a grip practically all groups have been guilty of putting their own narrow interests first.
    The largest left force is probably independents. They have decided for good reasons and bad that no existing formation is suitable or fit for purpose.
    I don’t think there is an immediate danger of the BNP getting into power but we should remember the lessons of Germany. The CP there refused to go into a front with those who murdered Rosa and Karl.
    Whatever the SWP or indeed any other group have done they have not been guilty of anything on that scale.
    If there is a silver lining it is that maybe the challenge of giving the workers a choice on the left that stops them going to the BNP out of despair will overcome the sectarianism..
    Thinking that a dose of Cameron will allow something better than new Labour is similar to the after Hitler our turn nonsense.
    Leave the sectarian monasteries and take the risk of unity. Take the SWP offer at face value. We need trust not cynicism. Idealism and hope rather than despair.
    Overthere as well as in Ireland where because of Higgins indredible acheiivement and the successes of the SWP led PBP we have real chances. Let us not blow it and suffer the fate of the SSP.
    Oh, I am heartened that the SSP survives and maazed that Scargills SLP did better in Scotland.

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  13. Joseph Kisolo Avatar
    Joseph Kisolo

    (sorry some of this repeats what I posted on SU)

    I welcome this statement, I think Alex N that you are wrong to think that this is some kind of SWP membership drive.

    The SWP whatever their faults are as shit scared of a world with a Tory government and the BNP offering the only radical alternative as the rest of us. They want left unity because they want an advance for the left, end of. This doesn’t mean that their aren’t problems with how they operate – and their refusal to acknowledge what actually went down with Respect split is sad – but you got to work with what you got!

    Its not quite true that all the feisty SWP members have left their party. They just had a conference where a large number (sadly defeated) tried to democratise the election of their leadership and they did win some important consesions to starting to open up their party to more internal debate. With time this may well leader to a SWP that is much better at working with others.

    Unfortunately I just don’t think that it is going to be possible to overcome “the differences and difficulties involved in constructing such an alternative” (if that means a new left organisation) before the next election.

    The first problem is one of trust. Respect, SWP and Socialist party; we all have our reasons for not trusting each other. There has been too much politicing and jostling for power for us to easyly just start taking what each other say on face value without looking for ‘hidden motives’ and such like. (In fairness mostly by so called ‘leaderships’ rather then grassroots)

    The second problem, and this I think is bigger and more important than the other, is that we just don’t agree about what kind of radical left alternative is needed. Of course those from different traditions shouldn’t be expected to converge on any exact formulation but we need a minimum idea of the kind of platform we are to unite on and the kind of action we are aiming to take (e.g. electoral/campaigning/mixture). All this needs much more fraternal discussion.

    Given these problems, I think that uniting around the people’s charter (whatever its faults) is a very good idea. I don’t think that such unity is undermined, for example, by our proposal in Respect to aim to stand a large chunk of people under our name as those candidates could obviously be part of a charter coalition, as could independents, SWP, socialist party and (maybe) the very very few left labour party members standing (I’d have to be convinced on that last one).

    The SWP’s conference will not be the place where a new left organisation is born but maybe it could be a place where the Charter plan, or similar, could be made more concrete. Lets get behind it and other initiatives.

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  14. Yes but it’s not about the elft it’s about lending support to grassroots campaigns and workers fighting back. The left may distrust each other but we shouldn’t let our differences get in the way of building a left alternative.

    Nor should we make it about a debate about a charter already decided upon- it should be more open and fluid with policies decided democratically by votes. So for example what should our policies be on schools? Various points of view could be put forward. I’d suggest no privatisation, schools to be run by local governing bodies representing people in the ocmmunity, education workers and students. Someone else may disagree. We can have a vote. But don’t limit in advance to some preset charter

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  15. I also think the SWP statement is to be welcomed. The SWP have many fine activists and these absolutely have to be part of a renewed attempt to form a new working class party.

    Yet there are legitimate questions about how the new SWP leadership see their role in this. In previous incarnations of this project, the SWP have pushed the project forward at first, but in treating it as a ‘united front of a special kind’, i.e. as ultimately an broad organisation that they aimed to recruit to their own party project, they later used their influence to stunt the development of the broad project and prevent it becoming a party in its own right.

    This cannot be allowed to happen again. Working people will not take seriously anything that is assembled that appears to be a politically unstable, ephemeral formation that looks set to collapse at the first serious disagreement. If a new broad initiative is created, it must be clear that the well-being of the whole is more important than the narrow interests of the part. All components – including particularly the SWP – must be committed to putting the interests of the project as a whole even if on some questions they fail to get their own way. Otherwise we will repeat the same miserable history that played a significant role in wrecking the Socialist Alliance and also seriously damaged Respect and left it struggling for survival and in a weakened condition.

    If it were just the SWP proposing a re-run, ‘lets try again’ approach to the same pool of leftists that have had their fingers burned in the past, I would be much more dubious. But hopefully the presence of a couple of important unions – RMT and hopefully PCS – with active participation of their activists – will play a role in descouraging sectarian behaviour from any quarter.

    We need to get on with building a serious left alternative to Labour. Subjective considerations can not override that objective necessity, though the lessons of the past cannot be forgotten either. We have to press ahead and incorporate those lessons into our future practice.

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  16. That’s a good positive move.

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  17. Sigh I really detest this “the SWP are just trying to recruit” argument… the entire left tries to recruit to their particular cause or group or party, why is the SWP any different?

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  18. This is a joke. This hasn’t come about because the SWP has changed – it only comes from an increasing sense of isolation after their behaviour has pissed off virtually everyone else on the Left down the years. That’s one reason why most will avoid these overtures like the plague. The other is that the SWP’s activity is based on increasingly appalling politics – their anti-fascist work being a case in point – and a membership who don’t seem to able to grasp the basics of Marxism.

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  19. “and a membership who don’t seem to able to grasp the basics of Marxism.”

    Or even the basics of dressing themseves.

    ID – Before we get carried away

    “would be much more dubious. But hopefully the presence of a couple of important unions – RMT and hopefully PCS – with active participation of their activists – will play a role in descouraging sectarian behaviour from any quarter.”

    There realy is very little chance of the RMT responding to an initiative from this quarter.

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  20. But it’s not just the SWP. Bob Crow has called for something similar

    No2EU calls for unity to defeat the BNP

    I find myself largely in agreement with ID.
    The SWP still has several thousand members so is not irrelevant. The RMT have some industrial strength. The SP have played a good role in some of the recent strike actions/occupations.

    The left can continue to argue amongst itself or it can begin to get organised and use calls such as this to draw new people in.

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  21. “Or even the basics of dressing themseves . . . “

    Lets knock this one on the head before it causes another split on the left blogosphere. Granted, it wasn’t one of the better Fred Perry shirts he was wearing but it’s still Fred Perry.

    Best of British . . . made in China.

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  22. What is wrong with the alternatives we already have i.e. the No2EU people have said they are going to get involved in setting up such an alternative and Respect already exists. Hopefully those two can get something together. The SWP want to set up a rival because their sectarian antics have self-excluded them from the ones that already exist. If they were truly serious they would be lobbying to get involved with either of these. An apology would be a good start.

    Hopefully the No2EU people will have separate Scottish, Welsh and English strategies. Work with Respect in England, the socialist groups in Scotland and help establish a new left alliance in Wales sensitive to local politics and not like the SLP sectarian blunderbus.

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  23. I post this from the Irish SWP. I tend to be sympathetic to the call. Sorry for the formatting. The SWP here have a genuine alliance with other forces in PBP. Joan Collins, a Dublin city councillor is ex SP (Militant) and is a truley non SWP person.
    SWP Ireland on Left breakthrough in elections
    Posted by: “Jim Monaghan”
    Date: Wed Jun 10, 2009 8:11 am ((PDT))

    Victory for radical left in the elections
    The election of Joe Higgins as MEP and the defeat of Fianna Fail in Dublin
    indicates that the political landscape is changing.
    The recent elections represent a seismic shift in Irish politics. Ever
    since
    1927, Fianna Fail has dominated the working class vote but this has now
    changed – most probably for ever.
    Even before the current economic crisis, the Fianna Fail vote had entered
    a
    long slow decline. At the height of the Celtic Tiger, for example, Bertie
    Ahern scored less votes than Charlie Haughey. When the crash hit, Fianna
    Fail dropped all pretence of populism and launched an aggressive attack on
    working class conditions.They have now paid dearly for this.
    The electoral base of the Greens has also been decimated. The Green
    claimed
    that they are in government to help save the planet from environmental
    decay. But they have stood over decisions which have cut the public bus
    service. They have also voted for cuts in education spending, even while
    defending the absurd bail out of the banks. Their removal from local
    authority councils is therefore well deserved.
    The major immediate beneficiary is Fine Gael which has been re-furbished
    through a huge influx of funds from business. At its core, are a new
    generation of hard-right young politicians such as Varadkar and Creighton
    who want to intensify attacks on the public sector. On the doorstep,
    however, Fine Gael played up the populist card, denouncing the ‘bail-outs’
    of the banks.

    Fine Gael is seen by many workers as a vehicle for getting rid of Fianna
    Fail.

    The most serious long term shift in Irish politics is the swing to the
    Labour Party. It is the strongest party in Dublin and has gained from its
    verbal shift to the left. It has opposed the bail out of the banks and has
    distanced itself from Fine Gael. Its growth is part of a greater class
    consciousness among urban workers.

    But Labour can face in one of two ways. It can talk left for a while – in
    order to gain greater leverage in a future coalition with Fine Gael or
    even
    Fianna Fail. It did this in the late sixties when it went through a
    ‘socialist’ phase and after the Spring tide of 1992. Significantly, Eamon
    Gilmore has refused to rule out coalition with Fine Gael.

    A more ambitious perspective would be to form ‘an alliance of the left’,
    which is advocated by both SIPTU’s, Jack O Connor and Sinn Fein’s Gerry
    Adams. This would see Labour and Sinn Fein – and possibly even a reformed
    and repentant Green Party come together to offer a ‘third option’ in Irish
    politics.

    While this might be welcomed as a shift to the left, it still contains
    severe limitations.

    First, both Labour and Sinn Fein are committed to the management of Irish
    capitalism. Both advocate ‘temporary’ nationalisations of the banks; both
    want more support for business; and both only advocate more public
    spending
    rather than the re-organisation of an economy on socialist lines.

    Second, both parties define politics primarily in terms of electoral
    activity rather than popular mobilisation. The Labour Party, for example,
    opposed a national strike on March 30th and its leader Eamon Gilmore told
    an
    IMPACT conference that industrial action in the public sector was a thing
    of
    the past. Both will verbally oppose water charges but will advise against
    a
    non-payment campaign.

    In this context, the vote of the radical left offers some real hope for
    the
    future. Today the People Before Profit Alliance, the Socialist Party, the
    Workers and Unemployed Action Group have all individually more councillors
    than the Greens. Collectively they could be within striking distance of
    Sinn
    Fein. Joe Higgins’ magnificent victory in the Euro election in Dublin,
    replacing SF’s Mary Lou McDonald is another indication of the same
    tendency.
    Voting patterns in Dublin indicate many are already wary of Sinn Fein’s
    zig-zagging between left and right.

    The vote for the radical left is all the more significant because it grew
    alongside the swing towards the reformist left – and before Labour or a
    Labour-Sinn Fein Alliance had been tested in office.

    The radical left must now enter discussions to form either an alliance or
    broad radical left party, where different tendencies can co-exist.
    Previous
    arguments that such a development might be ‘premature’ make little sense
    today.

    The Socialist Workers Party is already working productively within the
    People Before Profit Alliance, promoting its own distinctively
    revolutionary
    socialist views while working with others on the 90 percent we also agree
    on. There is absolutely no reason why an alliance of this sort cannot be
    expanded.

    We are only at the start of a deep economic crisis – where even more wage
    cuts, water charges, and redundancies will be imposed on workers. There is
    now a responsibility on the left to offer serious policies which assume
    the
    possibility of an end to capitalism.

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  24. I find the obsession with Martin Smith’s dress sense somewhat distressing. The vast majority of lefties I see on demos have no sense of style whatsover, fading old political t shirts tucked into jeans pulled up to the nipples.

    I reckon Martin’s proper smart. In fact, a friend of mine who’s not at all involved in politics but has read Martin’s jazz stuff texted me when he saw him on Channel 4 News to say how cool his specs were. Which they are. All the cool cats dress like that. I’d know, I’m so goddamn cool that when you open my wardrobe it looks like a Scottish gift shop.

    You old farts need to get with the times.

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  25. Jim:

    Where did you get this document from the Irish SWP? I don’t see it on their website.

    I note that it calls for an alliance along the lines of an expanded People Before Profit Alliance, which is problematic. The PBPA, in my view, makes quite unneccessary political concessions. It isn’t explicitly socialist or explicitly committed to class politics for instance.

    As for whether the current PBPA is “a genuine alliance”, that’s difficult to work out in a situation where only one “ally” is of any size. The SWP has a long record of using independents or small groups to provide an acceptable face for front organisations. Most of these people are then chewed up and spat out when they become inconvenient.

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  26. I am on their mailing list. Included was a blurb for a new book by Kieran Allen. I agree with the reservations. But I have to say they have worked loyally with Joan Collins and her people who are very experienced ex-SP and who are not gullible to say the least.The PBP are composed of the Irish SWP (now a significant force, bigger than the mother ship pro rata), Joan and ex-SP (very experienced), ex Fourth International ( eg John Meehan who was unjustly expeled from the section, Brendan Young) and other independents, nopt novices and with a keen sense of when they are being manipulated.
    I had a nasty experience with them myself.
    My general point is that while cynicism is justifiable there are some indications that they have learned a lesson or two.
    We need a bit of optimism of the will even if we have a touch of pessimism of the mind.
    Encore l’audace.
    I have more reservations about the warmed up stalinists of the CBP. They still love ice picks and have never changed their mind on say Hungary and Czechoslovakia.

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  27. David Ellis – you wish. Perhaps if you are thinking about apologies you should start with you outrageous comment that the SWP is indistinguishable from the Khmer Rouge. Hopefully serious actual socialists will leave your brand of sectarian antics behind.

    Liam – I hope this isn’t going too far while you’re otherwise occupied. Better 100 guilty as sin defendants go free than one innocent goes to jail.

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  28. Jim:

    In all fairness, some of those very same people were taken for a ride by the SWP in the short lived Irish Socialist Alliance and in various fronts since, so although I respect them as activists I don’t think that the record exactly shows that they are particularly good judges of the SWP’s intent! Quite the opposite in fact. They are decent people but they are perenial suckers for anything with “left unity” on the label.

    I exclude Collins and the people around her from that, as they are much more hardened operators. But the fact that someone like Collins who has something the SWP wanted (a council position) but whose group poses no threat to them could reach a modus vivendi with them doesn’t really tell us much. It has been in the SWP’s own direct interests to play nice with Collins.

    I have been in many campaigns alongside the SWP. I have never managed to work with them for any length of time without them trying to screw somebody over for short term gain. Their usual method is to “chance their arm” for whatever they can get and then try to paint anyone who objects or complains as a trouble maker or a sectarian. I remember well the delegates from phantom groups or groups which hadn’t delegated anyone they would send to IAWM or bin tax campaign meetings, the shit they tried to pull in Shell to Sea, well… the list is endless.

    There is no other group on the Irish left who have been continuously so difficult to work with for so long.

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  29. Martin Smith wears those specs because he’s trying to look like he’s in a black and white video of a 1960’s Jazz Club. But if he was actually authentic about it, he would grow a little bog-brush beard too.

    To be even more confusing, he was at one point sporting what appeared to a mullet. With slight modifcation, it could have mutated into something like the one sported by that Dave Hill bloke in Slade.

    These are very confusing fashion messages and seem to indicate an eclectic personality. Should such a chap have his finger on the nuclear button?

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  30. Joseph Kisolo Avatar
    Joseph Kisolo

    This thread has developed into yawn yawn yawn.

    What we really need to do rather then engage in play ground name calling about dress sense and going round and round and round about can we trust them can’t we trust them is have a debate about exactly what kind of political project we want to build and how we think we can set it up to overcome all the problems about trusting each other.

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  31. A good suggestion but also to ground it this can and should be linked to solidarity action inviting local campaigns, rank and file trade unionists and other activists.

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  32. Simply churning over a multitude orf reasons, both past and present isnt helpful to anything.We can all indulge on finding millions of reasons not to trust, not to build trust, not to work together based on a whole host of past Left sectarian practices but where does that get us.

    If there is to be genuine Left unity there has to be a solid basis of trust which requires some honesty and ownership for past prasctices.The essence is to find the massive basis on which the 57 varieties have agreement on,recognise the reasons and be open about the past failures and bad practices in respect to past failed left unity initiatives.

    We simply have to change our spots or the Left will continue to flounder .To continue to argue pointlessly and attribute blame only perpetuates greater cynism and distrust.

    If finally there is a genuine political will and a basis for Left unity on the part of a lage number of Left component parts and within the Labour and trade union movement,the antoi fascist and anti racist movement then let us grasp this opportunity and work to lay down down the solid basis and sound requirements necessary for maintaining such a basis of trust and confidence building.To do otherwise is simply not,repeat not an option.

    And as has been clearly and correctly stated here….on Liam´s blog…..if this debacle doesnt wake up the British Left then nothing will.

    We dont need to repeat the much repeated analysis about the existing huge political vaccuum.We al know it ,feel it and see it on a daily basis.

    This gaping vacuum now being filled by the fascist racist BNP and other right wing elements as well as ever growing nihilism and ever growing violence in British society has to be reversed.

    We do not need to wait till the BNP has several MP´s, a greater number of councillors nevermind increased numbers of bloody MEP´s

    TIME TO WAKE UP AND STOP SQUABBLING…BURY THE HATCHET BUT NOT IN SOMEONE ELSE´S HEAD.

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  33. CORRRECTION: A “prasctice” IS SOMETHING PECULIAR TO LEFT GROUP ACTIVITIES IN RESPECT TO OTHER LEFT GROUP ACTIVITIES.

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  34. We need an agreed and credible democratic and Socialist vision and a binding strategy which we, all 57 Left varieities, can all work within and towards , which can be successful in wining broad support not more lashed up. cobbled together electoral pacts which disappear as quickly as they arrive on the scene in the first place.

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  35. I think we have to take the letter at face value. It may be that they new leadership has learned something from the missed opportunity that Respect represented. The Irish appeal makes an uncharacteristic nod in the direction of political pluralism and the British letter simply refers to a conference. It should be possible to work out by lunchtime on the day to what extent things have changed.

    Any fool can spend a lot of time going over who did bad to who. The necessity of the moment is to aim for the broadest possible unity of those willing to agree to a pro-working class programme for an election campaign and to build local organisations which will be combative and able to mount an electoral challenge. This requires a rapprochment between those involved in No2eu, whoever the SWP can get onside and anyone else who emerges.

    Setting pre-conditions based on past practice or bureaucratic manoeuvring will kill any such project stone dead. Now while it’s a shock that the BNP and UKIP have been elected it really only brings the British far right into mainstream politics in a way that is common in much of Europe. The left will not build anything effective by simply evoking Belsen every time Griffin appears on TV. The aim has to be creating a political option for those who are abandoning Labour for the far right.

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  36. Workers Power’s reply to the Open Letter welcomes the call fo a conference

    http://www.workerspower.com/index.php?id=47,2017,0,0,1,0

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  37. I went to the COTL steering group the other day and an SWPer explained that the letter was “not a concrete proposal”. In other words they’re floating a boat to see who jumps on board. There isn’t even a date yet.
    Given that the RMT won’t. And the SP won’t. Don’t expect to see this going much further. Turkeys don’t vote for Christmas. The SWP aren’t going to organise a new party.

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  38. Prianikoff, the mullet was a real booboo. But that’s ancient history. Martin’s done a lot to turn things around and people shouldn’t hold past mistakes against him.

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  39. Skidmarx: sorry I said the SWP were like the Khmer Rouge. I meant they were like a cross between the Khmer Rouge and Sendoro Luminoso with a bit of Kim Il Johng thrown in.

    The ruling class operates a divide and rule policy from above, the SWP the same policy from below. It is not about sour grapes but a proper characterisation of what we are dealing with. They are floating this now because electoral and socialst class struggle alliances suddenly have great potential and they want their own having only just trued to smash their two previous attempts. If the SWP had changed they would be looking to be allowed into the No2EU set up whatever it is or Respect and arguing for their co-operation but no, they want their own.

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  40. David Ellis – not much of an improvement and you’re very trying. Obviously you’re hoping that those in No2EU and any remaining socialists in Respect Rump ignore this call, given your low opinion of the SWP. I’m hoping they have a greater commitment to advancing socialist politics.

    bill j – maybe the SWP is confused as to how concrete it was. Would you have reacted any differently if it was?
    I don’t know about the RMT, but the SP seems closer at any time since the founding of the Socialist Alliance to thinking that the differences don’t preclude some unity.

    Liam – that’s a positive way of looking at things. A member of Reverend and the Makers was on This Week last night, saying that the advance of the BNP was due to Labour’s failure to offer an alternative to the working class, only letting himself down by saying that Vince Cable should be PM. That and the response of the Question Time audience to an audience member who blamed the lack of a socialist alternative for the far-right’s success are a couple of indications that such a development would be coming at the right time.

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  41. It seems to me people have forgotten the point of a party, which isn’t btw to stand in elections.
    The point of a party for a socialist to help the prosecution of the class struggle and in so doing win people to socialism.
    Whatever’s the outcome of all this – I’m not holding my breath – we can be sure that’s not what will arrive.

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  42. The following is from the French Lambertists group about the recent seismic shift in Europe

    Statement by Independent Workers Party (POI) of France

    The Peoples of Europe Reject the European Union

    June 7th, 2009: A Political Earthquake

    On the evening of June 7th no political decision-maker, no pundit managed to conceal the meaning of the vote: a full-scale earthquake that is rocking all the political institutions and all the institutional political parties to their very core.

    On June 7th, the peoples of Europe, through their massive abstention vote, signified that they reject the European Union’s institutions and policies.

    On June 7th, the “NO” vote that the French and Dutch people issued in May and June 2005 against the European Constitution, has spread to all of Europe.

    It is a clear disavowal of all the institutional parties and governments that, against the will of their peoples, have slavishly submitted to the slashing of industry, agriculture, public services — all requirements ordered by the European Union in the service of bankers and speculators.

    From East to West, from North to South, the same rejection movement prevailed: from the Gdansk workers in Poland fighting the closure of their shipyards, the Opel workers in Germany and Caterpillar workers in France who are standing up against redundancy/layoff programmes, from the farmers in Bulgaria and France.

    They rejected the European Union-coordinated “stimulus programmes” that hand out trillions of Euros to bail out bankrupt financial speculators.

    They rejected the directives that privatise public services and ban any intervention from States to bail out threatened jobs.

    They rejected the co-optation of trade unions into the implementation of European Union plans, a co-optation drive that the Brussels authorities — with the support of the so-called European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) — want to force on to trade unions to make them go along with redundancy plans.

    Rejection … but everyone understands that it has already gone further than mere rejection: On this June 7th, the peoples of Europe have expressed their determination to shake off the dictatorship of the capitalist “free market” embodied by the ECB (European Central Bank) and the European Commission through their instrument: the self-styled European Parliament.

    Yes, a determination has started on its track: the determination to set up a free union of free peoples and nations of Europe in opposition to the chaos of “Europe-building” — which is nothing more than a prey to the bottomless greed of capitalists and financiers through its founding treaties (Maastricht and Amsterdam); the determination of the peoples of Europe to recover their sovereignty to impose a ban on lay-offs in every country, to open the way to the nationalisation of major industrial enterprises and to all the public safety measures which are called for by the seriousness of the crisis.

    This is a determination that conveys a political will: to break with all the European Union’s failed institutions and treaties and refuse policies that aim at to “patching up” these institutions, as advocated by the various parties of the “European Left”.

    In France, on this evening of June 7th, all the political decision-makers and pundits gauge what this massive abstention means. Working people have refused to follow the lead of those who pretended to them that this election (combined with stop-and-go days of actio called by the union leaderships) could somehow be a phase of the fight that they want to wage by gathering in unity with labour organisations against the government.

    As soon as the results were announced, Prime Minister Fillon eagerly called for “national unity” in the face of the crisis.

    The national unity that the Sarkozy-Fillon government is calling for is aimed at forcing on us a host of anti-labour measures that have already been planned for the coming weeks.

    – Redundancy plans, the publication of many of which was delayed till after June 7th.

    – A “fast-track” procedure through Parliament to pass the Bachelot Law in the coming weeks. The very existence of the public healthcare system is at stake.

    – The announcement, on June 4th by Sarkozy that mutual-aid organisations could directly take charge of reimbursing long-term ailment treatments, currently 100% reimbursed by the Sécurité Sociale — the French single payer healthcare system. This actually boils down to privatising healthcare coverage.

    – On June 5th, the announcement was made that the bill on privatising the Post Office would go through Parliament next November.

    – The reform of regional administration, advocated by the Balladur Commission, is slated to go to Parliament next Autumn.

    – Legalising work on Sunday is a bill proposed to Parliament as of early July.

    – The bill on the loan of work-force, is scheduled to go through its first round in the Lower Chamber on June 9th.

    – Unemployment: the former general manager of UNEDIC (the French organisation managing unemployment benefit schemes) forecasts an additional 900,000 people left jobless in the course of the present year.

    – In the public sector, a law on mobility is slated to be passed before the end of June in order to make it possible to fire civil-service functionaries.

    – To implement the procedure for excessive deficit set up by the European Commission against France, public budgets are to be axed.

    – 35,000 public sector workers jobs are to be slashed in 2009.

    – 32,000 casual workers in the sector of education (short term and casual contracts) are slated to be made redundant by the end of June 2009.

    – In the coming weeks, the government wants to force the “masterisation” of degrees, which has been rejected by all the educational staff.

    The POI (Independent Workers Party) which calls for completely breaking with the European institutions did not field candidates for these elections.

    The POI mustered all its forces to help promote the unity of all the parties claiming they side with the labour movement in order to organise a united march of hundreds of thousands of workers for a ban on lay-offs.

    On the evening of June 7th, the POI observes that the massive rejection expressed by abstention conveys the aspiration of workers and youth to gather in unity with their labour organisations to fight against and halt the anti-worker policies of the government and the European Union.

    The POI again calls attention to the invitation to all the parties that claim they support the working class and democracy (PS -Socialist Party, PC-Communist Party, PG-Left Party, NPA-New Anti-Capitalist Party, LO-Workers’ Struggle) to meet as of June 10th in order to finally come to a decision together, to organise the united march for a ban on lay-offs in Paris.

    Nothing is more urgent, nothing is more vital than to forge, at every level, the unity for a ban on lay-offs. In this struggle, the POI pursues the objective that it set for itself during its founding congress a year ago: to build an authentic independent political representation of the working class.

    Paris June 7th, 2009 – 10.30 p.m

    Daniel Gluckstein

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  43. bill j – first sentence good point.
    last sentence, you’re certainly not going to be disappointed.

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  44. I know, it’s a far left lonely hearts ad:

    Revolutionary party, been around the block a bit, jealous that the Millies are getting it on with the CPB and Crow, WLTM microsects for cynical short-term relationship while we try to filch your younger members. Must have GSOH. Box number: 1917

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