Alf Filer argues that the Progressive London Conference happening this weekend is a step backwards. He also has an unfashionable bee in his bonnet about top down anti-democratic leadership and organising practices.

My piece yesterday on The National Centre for Social Research and The National Equality imagePanel reports overlaps with some of this.

 The latest attempt to rejuvenate the Livingstone leadership over London in a cross party conference planned for this weekend is a step backwards and to the right, offering no real resistance or meaningful strategy. A popular front approach involving the right of the Labour Party and a few Lib Dems such as Lembit Opik is not what the working class and dispossessed of London need.

Harriet Harman and Ed Milliband, are I suppose, going to explain why their government, responsible for pursuing policies even the Tories did not dare to do, is really a misunderstood progressive bunch after all. Perhaps they will explain why an illegal war is to the benefit of Londoners and that they really are pursuing pro-working class policies. This in the same week as it is announced that the gap between the rich and poor has widened! Oh yes there will be a session on Afghanistan but do not expect a public apology from them.

As for having the Leaders of the GLA and Richmond Lib Dems, well is this another attempt at a failed Lib Lab pact. Are Londoners to seek answers from a smaller Tory party? Has Nick Clegg’s lot changed colours or what does Ken know that we don’t know?

Yes the bulk of the speakers are from the labour and trade union movement and yes the sessions involve key issues facing us in fighting the right. However is this campaign going to promote a strengthening of the fight back? Clearly Ken is attempting to resurrect his leadership bid for a future mayoral candidacy but why involve Liberals in this?

Londoners do not need a cross party cross class alliance. This is a recipe for disaster. An anti-capitalist alliance based on working class policies which challenge the interests of profit yes. This talking shop can not be converted into appropriate action if it ties the movement to a leadership bent on popular front strategies.

The campaigners who give legitimacy to this type of forum should be asking how to unite their campaigns with the independent struggles of the working class and not to pursue the formulas that have failed the labour movement in the past. Campaigns on fighting racism, fascism, globalisation, climate change, discrimination and war will not be served well by depending on those who will support the interests of capital.

No doubt it will be considered heretical to dare challenge from the Left any initiatives by Ken and co but our movement should be based on the independent self organisation of the working class and not rely on so-called heroes of the movement and expect them to lead us out of the wilderness. A united front yes not a popular front.

55 responses to “Progressive London – a sceptic writes”

  1. “No doubt it will be considered heretical to dare challenge from the Left any initiative by Ken and co”. From your line, and allies, I thought it was complusory to attack Ken. “Heretical” – no, just predictable and lifeless.

    Perhaps you can tell us which bourgeois party is dominating this “popular front”?

    Just another conference you’ll miss. Something on TV again? I know you claim to “hate” jazz, but as Gil Scott-Heron put it “The revolution will not be televised”.

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  2. You obviously failed to read the article then. I love jazz.

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  3. Alf – wasn’t challenging you – all references to Liam.

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  4. Blimey! Tetchy or what?

    Whether or not the revolution is televised or Youtubed we can be 100% certain that people like Miliband will be on the wrong side. His blustering attacks on Chavez and Morales in Copenhagen were ample proof of that.

    Alf has offered a critique of the event and it would be rather more fruitful to engage with that.

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  5. So where is the answer to the question about the supposed popular front? Or didn’t you recognise that was the engagement with the critique?

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  6. If the event is publicised as a cross party event with Lib Dems and anti working class Labour Ministers then what is it other than a popular front?

    The movement has in the past been badly served by such methods and needs to become more self reliant and build alliances within the labour movement rather than with its enemies who will end up selling us down the river.

    The campaigning bodies involved should build an alliance which strengthens them through the labour movement and not be diverted through quick fixes with failed Labour ministers and Libs.

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  7. Alf – the critique of the popular front is that it is under the domination of a bourgeois party. Which bourgeois party dominates this event?

    Haven’t you noticed that important areas of work such as CND, Stop the War, various anti-fascist or anti-racist campaigns frequently have the involvement of Lib Dems? Equally wrong?

    Are we to take it – given your remark about “anti-working class Labour ministers” – that you will not support the return of a Labour government against a Tory one?

    Really your opposition to “heros” is just a retread of the “united front from below” follies.

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  8. Which bourgeois party dominates this event?
    There are two actually. The Liberals and Labour.
    Indulge in whatever semantics you like about the popular front, but all of the participants in the above are desperately trying to salvage their careers at the expense of the movement.

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  9. Thanks Bill – you perfectly demonstrate where Alf’s analysis ends up if taken seriously. Liberals and Labour – same class character. It is as if “Left Wing Communism” had never been written. What is this movement you speak of Bill – the trade unions perhaps? No problems of careerism there?

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  10. Got this in a circular: Sinn Fein MEP Bairbre de Brun is speaking at the Progressive London conference this Saturday.

    We [the Shinners] will be there handing out leaflets to advertise the Irish Unity conference to – if you can help with this please contact Jayne on irishunityconference@yahoo.com.

    If you are interested in attending the conference yourself, more details are at: http://www.facebook.com/l/fea62;www.progressivelondon.org.uk/conference/progressive-london-conference-2010.html

    As Liam will be watching the box.. and over here in the occupied 6 there are 2 or 3 events worth staying nearer to home for.. Greenpeace are putting on something for Climate Camp Ireland in Belfast.. And ’86 split from Shinners are having a shindig in Monaghan.. if anyone is attending this weekend could they get some audio/ videos posted of the session below .

    11.45am – 1.15pm Sessions
    THERE IS NO PROGRESSIVE IMPERIALISM
    • Bairbre de Brún MEP, Sinn Féin
    • Samuel Moncada, Venezuelan Ambassador
    • Richard Gott, author
    • Azad Ali, Community Affairs Co-ordinator, Islamic Forum Europe
    • Mark Weisbrot, Co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research
    • CHAIR: Seumas Milne, Guardian columnist

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  11. Is de Brun speaking for or against?

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  12. Please read what I said. The issue is not about criticising the various campaigns, nor have I. The point I am making is that the campaigns themselves will not find solutions which are linked to the Liberal Democrats. The smaller Tory Party never has been able to offer the labour movement any solutions as it is pro-capitalist. Why involve them now?

    As for the 2 ministers of this Government, why give them a platform unless it is to apologise for their anti-working class policies. They have given legitimacy to the policies which have created this mess. Or are we all to pretend New Labour is really not what it is?

    The issue is that yes we need the debates and discussions and yes we need to establish greater co-ordination of campaigns but not via a top down method which gives legitimacy to failed politicians seeking re-election.

    Perhaps we have paid a high price for carreerists of the labour aristocracy who have compromised too often and if an old fashioned democratic united front is out of favour with some it does not make it wrong.

    The rank and file activists of these campaigns need to come together and assert themselves in such a way that opportunists and carreerists no longer put themselves into positions at the expense of the movement.

    There is a difference between the pro-capitalist Tory Lib Dems and Labour but at the level of Government that is now getting paper thin. Yes there will be a need in certain places to call for a vote for Labour against the Tories . However Labour is less and less the party of the working class. In some areas there is an emerging movement Left of Labour. In Dagenham, inspite of M.Hodge it is correct to call for a vote for Labour against the BNP so no not left wing communism . Nor are we saying no to working with Labour Party activists. Do not misinterprete positions.

    As for a united front approach what are others afraid of in this new age of inclusivity, pluralism and transparency? These may just be New Labour aspirations but they are our genuine effort to bring together those who are building the campaigns on the ground. This involves those inside and outside of the Labour Party.

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  13. ps Just for the record- Yes a vote for Labour against the Tories but also where they are emerging a vote for those to the Left of Labour where they have a credible base. This includes Respect , TUSC, Convention of the Left candidates at Parliamentary and local level.

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  14. “anti-working class Labour ministers” is spot on.

    The politics of Labour ministers is bourgeois and anti working class. They promote PFI, trust schools and privatisation, imperialist war and environmental destruction; they support the market and capitalism.

    What is needed is direct action by working class militants to challenge privatisation, the market and the destruction of our communities, jobs, services and planet by the corporations.

    Labour as a party may still just about be an attenuated bourgeois workers’ party. We may where there is no candidate of struggle vote Labour against Tories or the Liberals. But such a vote needs to be accompanied by strident criticism of Labour’s bourgeois politics and the assembly of forces that can make a difference… the organised working class.

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  15. Jason thanks for this comment. Totally agree with you. Apologies to Green Left. Due to a lack of coffee I left them out in error from the list of groups to support along with various independants as well.

    Initiatives which bring together the Right to Work Campaign with the various other camapigns and strengthen eco-socialism approach is essential.

    The independant actions of the working class and their allies is what is missing from the planned conference and why I and others may prefer to watch TV or listen to jazz.

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  16. Arise the left, we are new born, we are awake.We have consolidated our social consience ,we shall ensure that those who should pay ,shall. No more perks for the well heald or those steping on the ladder,we shall persue a responsible phiscal social policy.

    Socialist eh?.

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  17. I like Alf and tend to agree with his opinions on the PL conference, but is he running this blog now or what?
    I mean fer fuck’s sake!

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  18. No i am contributing to it. I run nothing, not even my cat. As for the kids they run themselves!! Enjoy.

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  19. Alf is more argumentative than I am, that’s all.

    As for Bairbre de Brun on progressive imperialism it does not bear thinking about. When the Israelis wouldn’t grant entry to Gerry Adams he rang Tony Blair to persuade him that he’s an ok sort of guy. There has not been a major imperialist war criminal in the last decade that SF hasn’t tried to cosy up to and, as I keep repeating, they are now consultants in the imperialist reconcilation industry.

    Their strategic approach for the last fifteen years or more has been predicated on an active role for British and US imperialism in Ireland.

    As for the Harmans and Milibands of the world the begininning of political wisdom is an appreciation that the working class needs an alternative leadership to these people. Some people may genuinely be convinced that they are progressive politicans with something useful to say on climate change, the benefits of neo-liberalism or why it’s right to start imperialist wars. Most readers of this site opt to take a more critical view thank god.

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  20. StevieB, the problem with a Popular Front is that the interests of working people and their allies are subordinated to a bourgeois programme. The classic 1930s People’s Front was an alliance of liberal and workers’ parties. However, social democratic parties can turn a workers’ front “into an oppositionist political shadow of the bourgeoisie” (to take Trotsky’s phrase) if even if they need to scrape around for the types of Lembit Opik to excuse their shift to pro-capitalism.

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  21. Alf – just who are you having your “old fashioned democratic united front” with? Apparently, it cannot be with Labour politicians. You want to unite “rank and file activists” directly. Why haven’t you? Perhaps because the united front from below is bound to fail if you ignore the politicians the activists follow.

    Don’t talk to Jason though. He thinks the working class is united because he says it is. He has no tactics for dealing with the real different trends inside the working class.

    Duncan – do you seriously think that Lembik Opik is determining the direction of Progressive London? Have you an objection in principle to supporting any activity Lib Dems support? If so, this would lead you to boycott a wide range of events called by CND, Stop the War, UAF, etc.

    Liam – you’ve admitted you haven’t a clue what to do next to progress Irish reunification. So shouldn’t you lay off the “Sinn Fein serves U.S. and British imperialism” line until you know what needs to be done?

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  22. We do not ignore the politicians but nor do we tail end them. We assert our right and the right of the labour movement , to criticise them . The united front from below worked in Harrow to challenge the EDL. It only fails when it is replaced with policies imposed from above which undermines the objective needs of the movement.

    Class collaboration is one of those failing policies which we must guard against. The other is sacrificing the independance of the working class for the self interests of the labour aristocracy.

    We will support those that support those interest but where they diverge we must part company. I intend to talk to cdes like Jason even if we may differ on tactics at times. I will not talk for him, he can do that himself.

    If Lib Dems support initiatives, that is there contradiction but the movement can not be based on them. Those who try to serve 2 classes at once must be challenged on where their real interests lie.

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  23. correction
    By “those interests”, I mean the objective interests of the working class.

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  24. So you didn’t notice local MP and Labour minister Tony McNulty on the Harrow demonstration? I did. Perhaps you shouldn’t have been there if he was.

    Read Trotsky’s polemics against “the united front from below”, if you don’t want to listen to me.

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  25. Tony McNulty came because he responded to our united front. What point scoring are you trying to make. We did not restrict our approach to challenging the fascists in order to win their support. They came in response to the movement we built.

    Your line is rather petty to say the least and misses the point. Yes even Lib Dems turned up. However the movement was not dependant on their support. Nor did we restrict what we did in order to win their support.
    Can we have a common sense discussion.

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  26. Hi Stevie,

    The point about pro-capitalist strategies like the Popular Front is that the leadership of it is often held by reformist workers’ parties and that they consciously subordinate the workers interests to the interests of the ruling class. It does not have to led led or initiated by the capitalist class. That is Trotsky’s point about the ‘shadow of the bourgoisie’.

    Obviously we don’t boycott STWC events because Liberals attend them: we build STWC and take part in its leadership. The programme of STWC reflect the objective interests of working people and our allies. It uses working-class methods of struggle and places its emphasis on building an anti-parliamentary opposition.

    I don’t following Progressive London, and am primarily trying to make a point about the Popular Front, however it does not seem to me that Progressive London is similar to STWC in those regards.

    My assumption is that Progressive London is under the hegemony of Socialist Action, not of Lembit Opik. But the Popular Front in the Spanish state was under the hegemony of the Communist Party of Spain, not the Republicans. It was still a popular front.

    As it stands, it’s not clear to me that Progressive London has a programme. I’m not able to say that it’s a popular front because I have not taken the time to study it. Clearly it is an attempt to build a cross-party and cross-class movement around Livingstone. I can’t see why socialists should have much enthusiasm for that.

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  27. Duncan – the Spanish Popular Front was under the hegemony of the bourgeois republicans who insisted there be no inroads into capitalist property relations. The Spanish CP accepted this position – despite the anti-capitalist programme of the PCE. That is subordinating yourself to the bourgeoisie. Still waiting for someone to explain which bourgeois party dominates Progressive London (ie why it is a popular front).

    Alf – Tony McNulty is an “anti-working class Labour minister” so how can we organise with him ? Far from being “petty” , this was supposed to be fundamental – or did I misread what you supporters of the “united front from below” were saying?

    My point is that larger numbers will be mobilised by a united front which actually includes the leaders of reformist minded workers. Of course if you are of the view that these workers have already moved on from reformism, then it makes no sense. I think it will be obvious to everybody once large numbers of workers have gone further than reformism. Clearly by any measure – union membership, strikes, occupations, support and involvement in anti-imperialist actions, membership of socialist and revolutionary organisations – this isn’t the case.

    Everybody should read George Galloway’s article on Socialist Unity explaining why the left (inside and outside Labour) should support Saturday’s conference.

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  28. With some you can not just win either way so i give up. The Harrow campaign was organised as an open and democratic campaign. Yes we invited all to participate from the labour movement and the local community to participate. We expected labour movement reps to support it. They did. We are not condemning them for supporting but welcomed their support.
    Our campaign was not conditional on their support nor did the way we organise get limited or restricted by this. That is a united front. If we did not invite them to support then we would correctly be accused of ultra leftism. Nor did we give up on the no platform position to involve them. So nor was it opportunistic. We took a principled stand and tried to mobilise the labour movement in support. That is why twice it was a success.

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  29. Is Stevie B the same as Steve Bell. From 1989 to early 1991 I knew Steve Bell quite well. He was part of a minority on the Socialist Action editorial board which supported the beginnings of incipient political revolutions within Eastern Europe during 1989. In 1990 he drafted a document on the oppressed nationalities within the Soviet Union and how their fight for self-determination were tied up to the Political Revolution within the USSR, and the world revolution in its 3 sectors.

    Bell; Bob Smith; and the Brains were fighting Redmond O’neill on the editorial board who was concillationist to Stalinism in dismissing all fights against Stalinism as counter-revolutionary. O’neill was the first Campist I ever knew. In my blog I point out how the potential for Political Revolution dissipated with concillationist wings of Stalinist Bureaucrats to Imperialism winning out which led to mass disappointment. In East Gemaany Capitalism was restored. This is why Trotskyists were correct to oppose German reunifcation. Trotskyists would have argued for a seperate East German state to be based on our programme of workers democracy by completing the Political Revolution. This is an application of what Trotsky said in “In Defence of Marxism” that you defend the workers’ states with our methods.

    The minority of Socialist Action supporters in 1989 and Ernest Mandel under-estimated Capitalist inroads which would follow from certain Bureaucrats winning, pillaging the workers as a caste and pillaging the Imperialsts by making themeslves indepensable to Capitalist inroads. This minority was correct that the Bureuacracies in a weakened state would still rule these countries.

    I’ve just re-read parts of Bell’s 1990 document two years ago on the national questions within 14 Soviet states. That document analysed all the political forces in the nationalist movements from differnet factions of the Bureaucrats; Capitalist restorationist forces; and pro-working class forces. What Bell under-estimated was the Soviet Union imploding which played into the hands of concillationist forces to Imperialism withon those Bureuacracies in the 14 ex-Soviet states and how Imperialism utilised that to strengthen pro-Capitalist forces. Despite Bell’s error on this it was superior to O’Neil’s line of supporting the Soviet Bureaucracy supressing all oppressed natiionalities.

    After Imperialsim started gaining in the ex-Soviet states in 1991 and particulary in ex-Yugoslavia during the 1990s Trotskyists had to take into account that oppressed nationalities could be used to overthrow the workers’ states. Trotskyists were correct to support the Bosnian masses against Serbian Stalinism’s ethnic cleansing of oppressed nationalities/ethnicities. At the same time during 1993-1995 when NATO bombed the Bosnian Serb Stalinists Trotskyists would have supported those Stalinists who fought NATO because tne Bosnian workers’ state was threatend. In this framework of miltiary defence of the Bosnaian workers’ state Trotskyists would argue for a class fight against Imperialism and Capitalist restorationist forces not taking it out on workers of other nationalities.

    This was essentially the position of me and Nat Weinstein during when NATO bombed Serbia. The situtaion in Kosovo was when the KLA leadership supported Imperialism against the workers’ state the struggle for self-determination became reactionary because with the balance of class forces the choice was between Kosovo remaining under Stalinism or pro-Capitalist forces overthrowing the workers’ state through a major Imperialist miltiary intervention. The chance of a struggle by oppressed Kosovons against Serbian Stalinist oppression beginning a possible Political Revolution necessiated the miltary defeat of NATO becasue if Capitalism was restored all workers would be defeated. This can be seen by 90% unemployment in Kosovo today.

    If it Bell writing thses comments defending Livingstone you enage in semantics whether this is a Popular Front. It is good you still oppose Popular Fronts in principle. Does the majority of the Socialist Action editorial board agree with you on this? Your degeneration flows from not breaking from Socialist Action in 1991. The overwhelming majority of Socialist Action supporters have nearly completely broken from revolutionary politics.

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  30. Frankly that’s all history. Does repeating Lenin’s tactics from the early 1920s make much sense given that we’ve just endured 13 years of New Labour?
    I don’t see how. People have seen through New Labour. They don’t have any real illusions in them. They don’t think they’re any better than the Tories. That’s why they’re going to lose.
    Unfortunately, there is no left alternative either. That’s not going to be solved by painting the Bourgeois New Labour Party as anything more than it really is.

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  31. A reply to Bill J on the Labour Party

    Bill J’s fundamental mistake is confusing the Bourgeois New Labour faction with the Social Democatic Labour Party. It is the extreme pro-Bourgeois New Labour faction such as Mandelson etal who are pushing for quicker cutbacks. The Social Democratic wing are under pressure of their working class base to avoid cutbacks. A correct position applying Dialectial Materialism is to see the Bourgeois faction in conflict with Labour as a Social Democratic party.
    This contradiction is being resolved upto and after the next general election.

    By Bill J. not by not making this distinction between the Bourgeois New Labour faction and the Social Democratic Labour Party he makes a major tactical error of not having a united front to stop pure Capitalist parties coming to power who have made clear they are going to launch massive attacks on the working class. If Labour is able to form a parliamentary majority it will strengthen those Social Democrats to fight the cuts who can argue that is why they have been re-elected. By the workers increasing their confidence by defeating the Tories and Lib Dems, they will feel stronger to fight any cutbacks by the Bourgeois elements or any Social Democractic wing. Trotskyists by going through these experiences with millions of workers with their Social Democrftic misleaders we can win them to revolutionary politics.

    Trotsyists will have united fronts with those in the workers movement opposing Labour forming a coalition government with the Bourgeois party:Lib Dems. The Liberal Bourgeoisie have a number of options to stop the Conservative wing of the Bourgeosie/large Aristocratic elements weakening their EU project, and how effetively to implement the cutbacks without major social explosions.

    Sections of the Liberal Bourgeoisie may want a Labour/Lib-Dem coalition in order to salvage their EU project and to attack the workers more effectively than a Social-Democratic led-party having dominant positions in government may have potentially more pressure from their base to reduce attacks and make genuine reforms which benefit the working class. If this happens Trotskyists alongside millions of workers call on Labour to break from this coalition with the Lib Dems. By doing this it sharpens up the fight between those millions of workers who want policies which benefit workers and those Bourgeois elements to a split. This kind of fight will test all Social Democratic forces and by posing Transitional demands on them break their mass base from reformism towards revolutionary poltics.

    Another scenero is a Lib-Dem/Tory government with sections of Lib Dems breaking with their leadership linking up with right wing Social Democratic elements to contain any working class radicalisation. Trotskyists would fight to keep all wings of the Lib Dems from any alliance arguing how their interests are tied up with Capitalism and why workers have to organise indepentily from all ruling class elements.

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  32. Actually that’s not my mistake. I don’t deny that the Labour Party has links to the working class. It is (just about) a bourgeois workers party.
    What I object to is the unthinking repetition of 80 year old tactics as is nothing has changed under new Labour.

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  33. If “Progressive London” is a “united front from above”, as is being claimed by Stevie B, where exactly are the mass forces of the working class in it?
    I can’t see any sign of sponshorship from unions or constituency labour parties, only a list of MP’s, Academics, freelance campaigners and journalists etc..
    What are the slogans and objectives around which it plans to organise that will unite together the disparate forces it wants to unite?
    The whole approach is typical of the way Socialist Action has operated ever since the days of the GLA.
    I can well remember going to once such conference as a representative from my union.
    I asked a mildly embarassing question about limiting the pay of public officials to which Livingstone replied by boasting about how he was earning £80,000 a year.
    Lee Jasper sneered at me for using words with 3 syllables in them and Redmond O’Neill glowered as soon as he saw me.
    I seem to remember that Livingstone owed some of his rise to power to the fact that people like Alf Filer in Brent East Labour Party, worked to get him selected for so long.
    One of the reasons he lost the Mayoral elections was precisely because of his gloating attitude over the high salary he and his officials paid themselves and the fact that they kicked the RMT in the face.
    We do need a united front approach to stop the re-election of a Tory Government.
    Is progressive London such a United Front?
    I don’t think so.

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  34. prianikoff you have put the point better than me and more succintly. Yes some of the “cdes” have continued with the bad practices that we must ensure are not repeated. Our movement deserves better than what they are serving up for us. Calling themselves Progressives reminds me of the revisionistic debates of Bernstein and the way Luxemburg correctly condemned this dillusional approach by the reformists.

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  35. StevieB, the idea that the Communist Party of Spain was still an anti-capitalist party in the mid-30s, and was somehow led astray by the wily Republicans made me laugh. Thanks for that. But, seriously, that party followed Stalin’s line of not overthrowing capitalism. It, and the Comintern as a whole, was totally subordinated to the interests of the Russian bureaucracy.

    Personally, I find Anthony’s formula of Labour divided between two factions: bourgeois New Labour versus social democrats to be quite appealing. However, where and who are the anti-cuts social democrats? Are they in the Socialist Campaign Group and the General Council of the TUC? Projects like the Labour Representation Committee and Peoples’ Charter are infused with Marxist energies and have anti-capitalist dynamics rather than social democratic ones. I think the anti-cuts current in the Labour party is totally marginal: perhaps Socialist Action are the only organised social democrats remaining 😉

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  36. “Don’t talk to Jason though. He thinks the working class is united because he says it is. He has no tactics for dealing with the real different trends inside the working class.”

    The whole point of tactics towards reformism, including advocating a vote for non-revolutionary candidates in elections, is that the working class is not united.

    Currently it is extremely fragmented, weak and divided. It is no good however simply unfurling the banner of socialism and hoping people come towards it as some on the left have hoped.

    What is needed is action around concrete demands- strike action and occupations under rank and fikle control for example- to win workers to the idea that they can run society for themselves.

    It means being open about our politics, engaging in discussion and putting various proposals to the test of action.

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  37. Jason i agree unity in action is the key and unity of purpose essential, however waiting for strike action is syndicalist. The movement requires that we unite around a programme of action that does not wait for a general strike but provides an international response based on class politics.

    We have to construct that unity based on patient discussions around a Marxist programme within a forum for activists. We must also engage in the discussions as part of building a new united Left Party.

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  38. The purpose of the conference, as Ken Livingstoe explains is to

    “develop and implement a progressive alternative to the Tories. Progressive policies, to be effective, must support both those on middle incomes and the less advantaged. These together constitute a large majority of the electorate. That’s quite different from concentrating on attempting to win over the best-off.

    “The key terrain on which the election must be fought is the need to protect those on middle incomes and the least advantaged against the Tories who would transfer resources from the average elector to the well-off.”

    Let us be clear. What does this actually mean? Is it an attempt to build an alliance between the middle classes and the working classes to win an election on a left sounding reformist platform , as I suspect. Or is it to negate the need for a clear anti-working class platform of class unity? Clearly it is not that inspite of the turn out. It reflects a lack of self confidence in the self organisation of the working class and the promise of a few reforms to confuse us with.

    Perhaps this may mislead some but we must not allow it to. Instead a clear programme based on challenging the interests of capital rather than appeasement is what is required.

    From the dented shield approach of the early eighties to the reformist strategy of now it will serve the movement poorly. It also under estimates the ability to mobilise forces which wish to go beyond electoral reforms. Those on the Left promoting this strategy should know better and serve the movement poorly.

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  39. “waiting for strike action is syndicalist”

    Who said anything about waiting?
    What about organising meetings, having campaigns, organising stalls, talking to people, planting seeds of ideas, having discussions?

    These are all part of the everyday repertoire of socialists as indeed is developing program. Program however should be a living evolving set of ideas worked out in the light of class struggle.

    I gave strike action as one example. There is of course a whole range of tactics from local meetings to street protests to strikes and occupations all the way up to the general strike and armed insurrection. However, those last two are I’d suggest something of a way off at least in Britain today.

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  40. Jason my apologies then as misread. Agree with you.

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  41. Anthony Brain – The events of 1989-1991 were a process of capitalist restoration in Eastern Europe and the USSR. The Fourth International leadership collapsed in the face of this offensive – being unable to distinguish the dominant class character of the political movements.

    Redmond certainly didn’t regard all fights against Stalin as counter-revolutionary. But he was certain
    that the counter-revolution was the hegemonic force in the events of 1989-1991. It is entirely clear now that restoration has taken place. Redmond’s advantage, and that of Socialist Action, was to recognise it at the time, not 20 years later. The forces you supported gave in to the imperialist counter-revolution.

    Duncan – the subordination of the PCE to the programme of the Popular Front is surely uncontroversial. Unless you think the programme of the PCE was the same as the Republicans, that is. Certainly that wasn’t Trotsky’s view.

    The PCE leadership may well have followed this line purely out of loyalty to Stalin, and the bureaucracy. But the party acted with the Republicans in the Popular Front – and actively suppressed all anti-capitalist activity. If the Populat Front was bourgeois dominated, which you accept, are characterising the PCE as a bourgeois party?

    Prianikoff – Nowhere did I suggest that Progressive London was a “united front from above”. I concentrated my polemic on the idea of “a united front from below”, but a formulation of “from above” is just as senseless.

    The conference was sponsored by SERTUC, UNITE, BECTU, GMB, ASLEF and CWU. This was printed on leaflets advertising the conference, and in the conference programme.

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  42. One of the biggest laughs I have had is reading a report on the ex maoist John Ross, who suggests that we should simply follow the example of the Chinese economy.

    “It is also notable in China that Hu Jintao’s ‘harmonious society’ has included direct measures to redistribute the benefits of growth to those who were not previously perceived as having gained sufficiently.”

    Tell that to the poor peasants suffering in the sweat shops, denied trade union and basic democratic rights. What is his recipe for Londoners, all hail the bankers today. China a degenerated workers state busy strengthening the power and influence of capital.
    Great analysis which offers London workers very little.

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  43. Stevie B is fundamentally wrong when he says that Popular Fronts are not necessary Bourgeois dominated! Trotsky argued against Popular Fronts precisely because of the Ruling Class’s dominance ideologically and politically, which the Bourgeoisie made as a condition to the Social Democratic and Stalinist Bureaucrats forming an alliance with them. Trotsky’s key slogan in Whether France was for workers committees of action including Social Democratic and Stalinist influenced workers and to break with the Popular Front.

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  44. Anthony – nothing above indicates I support Popular Fronts. On the contrary, you have written above that I oppose Popular Fronts which you write is “good”.

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  45. I must admit when I first saw this event advertised I wouldn’t touch it with a six foot barge pole… (and I pretty much agree with Alf’s piece). I mean, what precisely was this event? One big talking shop with TU bureaucrats and right-wing Labourites with a couple of Lib Dems sprinkled in for good measure. There was nothing radical nor activist based about this event …GMB, UNITE, CWU backed this event but there was nothing TU activist about it… and being a GMB member myself and a part of the Labour left.

    There are various strands existing in the Labour Party, Compass, Open Left (Purnell’s thing) and so on. I think what we are seeing is the re-defining of Labourism, as the ideology of NL is pretty much exhausted itself. And that’s why the likes of Cruddas (involved in Demos for example) and Purnell are re-hashing, recycling and re-defining NL. And you will see talking shops like what happened last Saturday coming together.

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  46. Perhaps they represent desperate measures by desperate people with no vision and no confidence in the self organisation of the working cclass. The need to drag in the Lib Dems to give an air of legitimacy and to attract the middle classes is not the way forward.

    The rank and file members of various campaigns need to come together and unite their campaigns around an anti-capitalist strategy. Perhaps that is the initiative we need to consider.

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  47. Anthony I suggest you reread. If the social democrats form a formation with the Lib Dems it is a cross class alliance which puts class unity aside for inter class strategies. That is what makes it a popular front.

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  48. StevieB, wrote
    “Prianikoff – Nowhere did I suggest that Progressive London was a “united front from above”. I concentrated my polemic on the idea of “a united front from below”, but a formulation of “from above” is just as senseless. The conference was sponsored by SERTUC, UNITE, BECTU, GMB, ASLEF and CWU. This was printed on leaflets advertising the conference, and in the conference programme.”
    O.K. I accept that point now.
    Although I didn’t see any evidence of branch sponsorships, or a delegate structure, which would have given the event a more genuine united front character.
    Since you argue that it was neither a united front “from below”, or “from above”, I wonder which direction it WAS from.
    Or indeed, if it was a united front at all!
    re. SA position on 1989-91. I actually read the magazine at the time and there was quite a lot in it I agreed with.
    But you ended up tail-ending the bureaucracy, in particular Zyuganov’s KPRF.
    Then you followed the Pabloite logic of this position by liquidating the public face of your organisation.
    I think your subsequent political trajectory follows, as night follows day.

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  49. Ex-Maoist John Ross?

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  50. RG “liquidating…”

    Yes, I’m aware that the new SA web site went on line about 4 weeks ago.
    Where was your public face in the preceding decade?
    Or was it Livingstone losing the mayoral election that forced you out into the open again?

    BillJ “Ex-Maoist John Ross?”

    Wasn’t he a Maoist before he joined Oxford IS and got bitten by a terrapin? The problem with his politics now is that he uses the example of China to support left social democratic policies within the British Labour party. That argument kind of reminds me of the Webbs on Soviet Russia.

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  51. You’re asking me? I have no idea. I was merely commenting on his present Maoism, don’t know about formerly.

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  52. He seems to defend China as is rather than propose a return to classical Maoism:
    http://badconscience.com/2010/01/30/1669/#comment-2033

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  53. Hey who’s quibbling!?

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  54. Did I say you were!?

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