image More than the two Porsches and the giraffes in the back garden the thing most people envy about my lifestyle is the frequent opportunities to spend a full Saturday at Trotskyite cabals. What follows is a version of something that I delivered at one this weekend. It is a reminder that the Labour Party hasn’t gone away and is likely to loom large in local political activity for all sorts of people who’ve been in the habit of ignoring it.

Over the last decade Labour’s vote has been in decline.

In 1997 it won 13,518,167 votes or 43.2%, its best result since 1951.

In 2001 it won 10,724,953 votes or 40.7%

In 2005 it won 9,562,122 votes or 35.3%

In 2010 it won 8,601,441 or 29.1% giving it 258 MPs but we can see that there is a steady downward trend.

The party claims that 10,000 people joined it in the few days after the Conservative victory. This fact; the electoral support it gains from millions of working class people and the continuing affiliations of many unions to Labour make it indisputable that many of the most politically conscious workers in Britain see it as their party. This may not be something we are happy about. It is a situation we are committed to changing but it is the reality in which we have to work.

In the short term we are going into a situation where it will be absolutely essential to begin joint work with some of the 4,831 Labour councillors, MPs and party members in a series of defensive struggles. In many cases they will bring with them a refreshing commitment to pluralism and democracy and a healthy aversion to phony front organisations that will make them easier partners than some on the far left. Among other things this means that we will have to pay closer attention to what is happening inside Labour than we have done for quite a while. We will have to be able to identify which councillors, MPs and activists are willing to become engaged in campaigns which defend the services and conditions of working class people. There will be a differentiation inside Labour.

Brown’s resignation has opened up a leadership election. Without doubt the best candidate politically is John McDonnell. It is impossible to find an issue or a struggle on which he has been on the wrong side. It’s a sign of Labour’s collapse to the right that he is finding it difficult to garner sufficient nominations to get on the ballot paper, though weirdly his nominees include hard right wingers Kate Hoey and Frank Field. Another sign is the notion that Diane Abbot is a left challenger. We have heard from a variety of sources that Socialist Action encouraged her to stand with the express purpose of wrecking John McDonnell’s campaign. She has no record of engagement with industrial or social struggles in the New Labour period and her “leftism” has a dilettantish quality when it’s not being deliberately obstructive. To illustrate with a trivial example, a web search of her name and the phrase “picket line” threw up no useful images.

The remaining candidates are a rogues’ gallery of New Labourism. Someone somewhere may be able to tease out the ideological differences between the Miliband brothers, Ed Balls and Andy Burnham but that would need to be a person without much in the way of a life in the real world. A search on both their websites for their views on what’s been happening in Gaza drew a blank though Burnham’s most recent Twitter feed had the message “ Not veggie but aubergine version good too – key is good stock, plenty of oregano and lots of cheese sauce.”

One of these people will be elected Labour leader and while we can predict a bit more social democratic rhetoric to fool people who were daft enough to think that Gordon Brown was a repressed left winger they will be committed to the neo-liberal project.

Nevertheless Labour activists, including some MPs and councillors will be obliged by local movements to engage with community and union struggles and we have to get into a routine of engaging with the willing and pressurising the reluctant.

It’s entirely possible. Earlier this week the Guardian carried a letter from the former chair of Tower Hamlets Respect Glyn Robbins which said “The real enemies of Tower Hamlets are poverty and inequality, not Islam. At Cable Street in 1936 the people of the East End united to block the way to Mosley’s fascist blackshirts. We stand ready to do the same to the EDL.” It was signed by, among others, ultra lefts like the Chair and Secretary General of the Tower Hamlets Council of Mosques and the Labour leader of the council as well as several Labour councillors. The pressure of events and the movements we help build will oblige people like this to take the right side in some of the defensive struggles and while we understand that they will, at other times, do what the Tories instruct them, we have to appreciate that they are not an undifferentiated bloc. We have to get back into the habit of following what’s happening in our local Labour parties.

55 responses to “The Labour Party and us”

  1. Eminently sensible stuff. I’ve even been pleasantly surprised by how left my local MP David Lammy has been speaking and acting since the election. It is a sign of oppositionism at the very least. It will be very interesting to see who gets involved when we get a broad-based Tottenham Against the Cuts campaign off the ground.

    Like

  2. I think this is so generalised as to be almost meaningless to be honest.
    Of course socialists should continue to work closely with credible Labour lefts on key issues and campaigns, as we have done over the past nearly 20 years of left of Labour socialist formations.
    But in many cases the new found ‘left’ Labourites are attempting to erase their record of the past 13 years of carrying the Thatcherite / neo liberal baton.
    So for instance, in Edinburgh when Labour’s Alistair Darling MP tries to recast himself as opponent of public spending cuts he’ll get the full broadside.
    There will be a local government by-election shortly in Edinburgh South West and it looks like the SSP will stand a candidate.
    If we do we’ll be nailing Labour to the wall in equal measure to the Tories and Lib Dems.

    Like

  3. Eddie this piece is completely out of context. It was part of a very wide ranging discussion.

    No one is taking back a single word of the criticisms made about the Labour Party. They are all still valid. The intention of the contribution was to indicate that some change in our orientation is needed. As a current SR paid no real attention to the details of what was happening inside CLPs and council groups.

    Like

  4. “Another sign is the notion that Diane Abbot is a left challenger.”

    Grow up, as Lenin might say. Abbot may not be as left by some measures as McDonnell, but she obviously is to the left of the rest of the candidates.

    Moreover, her candidacy does represent what she says it represents – an effort to broaden the race beyond the white male middle-class, Blairite clones. There’s no reason why she should assume that McDonnell will achieve that objective (and hence not stand in order to support him), given that he failed to get nominated in 2007.

    Like

  5. With respect on the road out its no surprise to see more cosying up to the loyal opposition imperialist, capitalist, scum that is her majestys loyal and unionist labour party.

    Like

  6. Fair enough Liam, some context would have been useful then.
    All the best.

    Like

  7. Diane Abbott is just pure mush. When did you last see her on a demonstration, speaking from a left platform nevermind the ever elusive pickett line as Liam points out.

    The only two Labour Left MP’s whoever seem to speak out , turn up on demonstrations and march are John McDonnel and Jeremy Corbyn with the rapidly ailing Tony Benn icon in tow.

    Why they all want to stay in the sinking New labour edifice is beyond me as they would have far far greater credibility if the broke from Labour and helped assist the process for a genuinely new Left party but this will never ever happen as they are just too wedded to the ‘Labour’ party.

    Like

  8. Socialist Action

    “We have heard from a variety of sources that Socialist Action encouraged her to stand with the express purpose of wrecking John McDonnell’s campaign.”

    Have we got evidence and someone write an expose of this group who seem to weave in and out of many things and are fast disillusioning much of the active membership of the Palestine solidarity campaign thropugh their obstructive mechanisms and double speak colluding with the TUC for a ban only settlemen t goods sprt of bollocks.

    Socialist action. Who are they > Where are they? What are they doing? Where are they going?

    They are a serious impediment to the socialist anti imperialist movement

    Like

  9. “We have to get back into the habit of following what’s happening in our local Labour parties.”

    I would have thought joining (or rejoining) was the best way to do that, especially as doing so before September allows a vote in the leadership election.

    But not everything hinges on that.
    There are longer term questions of policy and programme at stake.

    The fact that the ‘New Statesman’ is repositioning itself to the left and becoming quite readable again is one indicator of this.
    I also notice that Peter Mandelson now agrees that “New Labour is dead”

    He may be thinking more in terms of Frank Field style National Government lash-ups.
    But, under such circumstances, a broad Labour left would be the best defenders of the independence of the Labour Party against splitters, an issue that would unite McDonnell and Abbott. Let the Labour bureaucracy worry about excluding socialists.

    Like

  10. Yes I thought the original article is fairly sensible myself, its what many of us have to do anyway.

    After failing to build a left electoral alternative to Labour in the last 13 years, its unlikely we are going to make a breakthrough in the current period.

    As the election showed, working class voters will support Labour as a shield from the Tories, despite their own record being shameful of course.

    Some activists are returning to Labour, some wont (or cant), and thats fair enough too, we all have to make the best of the circumstances we find ourselves in.

    But the important thing now is for us to have a non-sectarian approach so we can fight the cuts, and their by products, together

    That doesnt mean being tied into the agenda of the party machine, which is the other danger of course, but surely its possible to take a principled and meaningful approach that avoids both pitfalls?

    Like

  11. Sounds like the precursor of some sort of turn back towards Labour, and away from building an alternative. In fact the vacuum to the left of Labour is as wide as ever. Its so wide, in fact, that the Con-Dem coalition is able to dip its toe into it and gain some credibility among the more naive of those who loathe New Labour for being far too right-wing. This has happened because of the sectarian and opportunist flaws of the left that have fucked up previous attempts to build an alternative. We should be preparing to do it right next time, not throwing in the towel.

    The elephant in the room – incredibly not even mentioned in this article – is the anti-immigrant turn in the Labour leadership debate. All four of the the mainstream New Labour scumbags standing in the leadership election have made noises criticising the New Labour government from the right for being soft on immigration.

    Ed Balls leads the way, and has now evolved a critique of New Labour on immigration that is to the right of David Cameron, in calling for an attack on free movement of labour within the EU, while being all in favour of the free movement of capital of course:

    http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jun/06/ed-balls-europe-immigration-labour

    http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2010/jun/06/ed-balls-immigration-labour-leadership

    This is a further evolution of Labour to the right after the General Election. Could New Labour produce its own form of reactionary populism, and attack the Con Dems from the right on immigration nationally? Could Balls become a proto-Mosley type figure? Looks quite possible to me.

    Like

  12. Ed Balls represents that element of New Labour which is continuing the dangerous right opportunist line that Hodge and co were also pursuing, whilst taking on the BNP. It is also a continuation of the line that Brown pushed with “British Jobs for British workers”, in blaming immigrants for the economic crises whilst attempting to maintain support from a section of the working class and the right wing media simultaneously.

    I would not compare Balls to Mosley, far from it but the process of pursuing an anti-immigration line is very much a consistent view amongst narrow labourism with a nationalistic agenda.

    Whilst Liam is correct to point out that we must be able to respond to any developments on the Left in the Labour Party, this is not a new turn. We must be able to maximise united front tactics at all levels today, working in various movements that are emerging and will emerge as the situation develops.

    The consistency must be the uniting forces to the Left of Labour and those elsewhere in the labour and trade union movement, as well as those not in organised left politics but supporting a variety of campaigns.

    As the situation unfolds over the next period, flexible tactics around principled positions, subject to the political circumstances will be even more essential.

    I doubt though that this implies re-entry but it does mean we can not ignore any developments both inside and outside the Labour Party. The maxim is to avoid sectarianism at all costs and to build an anti-capitalist Left allignment.

    Like

  13. Alf

    “the process of pursuing an anti-immigration line is very much a consistent view amongst narrow labourism with a nationalistic agenda.”

    This ain’t Old Labour. Balls makes it very clear that he is all in favour of the free movement of capital, it is just the free movement of labour he is opposed to. With reformist, nationalistic Old Labour, the prime target of its nationalism was nationalistic, reformist restrictions on capital. Insofar as immigration came into it, it was subordinate to that framework primarily aimed at ‘controlling’ capital (which is a utopian reformist idea).

    Balls is consistently anti-working class, not any kind of national reformist, but an agent of capital pure and simple. And a potentially dangerous demagogue. It is very likely that under him, we would see national counterparts of those so-far mainly local campaigns accusing Tories, Liberals etc of being ‘soft’ on immigration, amalgamated with ‘crime’ of course.

    Like

  14. i totally agree. i did not think i implied anything other than that.

    Like

  15. However old Labour also supported immigration controls. some on Tribune referred to non racist immigration controls, what ever that is meant to mean.

    Like

  16. Fair enough. I’m just trying to counter a tendency I percieve to see Labour as heading back toward towards social democracy and this stuff as incidental. Hence the ommission of this point from the article above, an index of the importance, or lack of it, attached to this point by the authors.

    I don’t think that is what is happening. I think once the leadership contest is over, and the left (McDonnell and Abbott) have been carved out again, we will see a further consolidation of New Labour as an essentially right-wing party.

    Old Labour/Tribune’s immigration controls etc were to be opposed, but they were linked to a programme that within the national framework was supposed to control capital. Whereas this is aggressively pro-capitalist and free market, with the rights of workers to migrate being explicitly subordinated to free market dictates.

    That makes it considerably worse than old fashioned social-chauvinist reformism, and we should not conflate the two. Despite the reformist chauvinism, the Tribune persepective had positive elements that could be siezed upon and exploited in order to promote something better – without the chauvinism. The Balls version has no such contradictions and has simply to be opposed root and branch.

    Like

  17. I think your exaggerating the difference between old labour racism on immigration and new labour racism on immigration.

    From the persepctive of the immigrants – Irish, Cariibean and now Polish, its pretty much the same thing.

    I dont really find analysis that theres absolutely no difference between Labour and Tories convincing, to be honest.

    Theres enough of a difference for millions of working class people to vote for them, while we have nothing better to offer them.

    ‘A turn to Labour’ amongst activists in the class is something that happensin circumstances like this outwith our control, what is crucial is that people like us try to relate to it so we can re-group the forces that want to resist

    Like

  18. Yes of course, there’s no difference between left social democracy, and New Labour scumbags whose propaganda is virtually indistinguishable from the BNP(!!!)

    The Labour Party pre-Kinnock/Blair did not generally run campaigns attacking the Tories for being soft on immigrants and ‘crime’. Nor did it generally mouth verbiage like “British jobs for British workers’.

    Amazing the contortions that some engage in to justify supporting Labour no matter how openly reactionary its policies.

    There are literally millions of workers who won’t touch Labour with a barge pole because of this shit. If the left can’t reach them, that’s because of the failure of the left to organise a stable political party that can stick around for more than five minutes. Not because the left is too harsh and hostile towards Labour.

    Like

  19. I dont really get the point of your first sentence, but oh yes they opposse Irish and Jewish immigration, and I believe attacked the Tories for Caribbean immigration at various points too.

    Theres really nothing new about the Labour Party, its expressed the interests of workers while serving the interests of capital and the state since its inception.

    The left at the moment is completely marginal, we need to regroup in a hurry, in a situation ery unfavourable to us.

    That means simply ranting or getting things off our chest isnt much help to anyone, we need to try to understand what we can do to organise and relate to people wider than ourselves

    Like

  20. I dont really get the point of your first sentence, but oh yes they opposse Irish and Jewish immigration, and I believe attacked the Tories for Caribbean immigration at various points too.

    Theres really nothing new about the Labour Party, its expressed the interests of workers while serving the interests of capital and the state since its inception.

    The left at the moment is completely marginal, we need to regroup in a hurry, in a situation very unfavourable to us.

    That means simply ranting or getting things off our chest isnt much help to anyone, we need to try to understand what we can do to organise and relate to people wider than ourselves

    Like

  21. “Theres really nothing new about the Labour Party…”

    Exactly. Other than the fact it dumped Clause 4, it’s always had deeply reactionary tendencies at the top.
    It’s known as the Labour bureaucracy.
    But rewinding Trotskyism to the point when Trotsky was assasinated, for a moment;
    At the time, he was arguing for a turn towards the mass organisations and strongly opposed to attempts to build rival organisations on a sectarian basis, even ones as large as the POUM and ILP.
    In the case of Britain, that organisation was and remains the Labour party (and unions affiliated to it).
    All attempts to build minority splits have failed.
    I think that lesson has to be taken into account, however painful it is.

    Like

  22. Breaking News: In a remarkable bid for greater recognition from the general public, big John displays his left machismo, bravely voicing inner fantasies of bumping off a younger Thatcher. McWho is a big fan of Dr. Who, no doubt.

    Of course, we must defend to the death McDonnell’s right to run his campaign however he sees fit. But let’s admit that even he doesn’t take his candidacy seriously.

    Like

  23. The question is why does John Mc take the Labour Party seriously when its so undemocratic to prevent him standing.

    Like

  24. Gosh Jodley! A rare point of agreement between you and Andy Newman.

    Like

  25. Really? I hadn’t noticed (not welcome there). Even a stopped watch is right twice a day, right?

    Like

  26. Just broke my embargo and looked. Seems like Andy is backing Andy, or have I got that wrong?

    Like

  27. So the old style Labour Party opposed the Tories from the right over Irish and Jewish immigration, and also immigration from the Caribbean?

    If this were true, this would be big news, rather in the way that man bites dog is news whereas dog bites man is not. I’m sure several chunky books would have been written on the subject.

    I mean, the Smethwick by-election in the early 1960s became notorious when the Tories did these things the normal way round. I never heard of Old Labour turning the tables on the Tories in this way. If they had, it would have been far more notorious than Smethwick and would have produced huge ructions and a major scandal in the labour movement. It would have been even more notorious than the dockers march for Enoch Powell if the Labour Party had attacked the Tories from the right over Jewish, Irish or Caribbean immigration.

    But there were several incidents in the recent General Election when New Labour pulled exactly this stunt. It was done locally, but quite senior ministerial figures were involved – Woolas and Byrne for instance. And it is not news any more, because everyone knows that is what the bastards are like. This is now not man bites dog, nor dog bites man, but rather dog bites dog.

    It’s amazing the amount of obfuscation that New Labour’s camp-followers who purport to be on the ‘far left’ will go to justify touting for openly anti-immigrant pro-privatisation reactionaries.

    I could not care less what Trotsky said about the ILP in 1931. The results of his advice were meagre indeed, and nothing to hold up as a model to anyone. Only when it broke from these methods did the far left in Britain grow into even a remotely visible force.

    If socialists in this country are so incapable of standing on their own two feet politically that they have to rely on quotes from ‘old masters’ on matters that even at the time they lacked a great deal of insight about, to determine current policy and tactics getting close to a century later, then they ain’t worth anything at all.

    What a load of pedantic nonsense. Balls indeed!

    Like

  28. Oh, and talking of ‘ranting’, a comment on Lenin’s Tomb tickled me.

    It simply said ‘Ed C*** is a Balls”

    Comments on the Guardian blog in response to Balls saying “I’ll never vote for you racist bastards again’” (or words to that effect) got hundreds of recommendations.

    Is this ‘ranting’? Or have those who say this gone soft in the head?

    Like

  29. Some of us prefer not to grope around in the dark in a small pool of light.
    Some of us have memories.
    Which, as I recall, was supposed to be the function of the Party in relation to the Class.

    Trotsky was right about the ILP, but I could just as easily have defended my point by referring to recent history and current political reality:-

    * “Militant”, when inside the Labour Party had 4 MP’s, the Socialist Party outside it has none.
    * The SLP is a pointless sect. The Socialist Alliance is long defunct.
    * The SWP had a deep leadership split.
    * Respect no longer has an MP;

    At best, there are a few areas with socialist councillors and a hard core of people, running campaign groups and organising demos.

    Does the fact their outside the LP make their campaigns more, or less effective?

    It’s quite possible to be outside of the Labour Party with a left-social democratic programme and no prospect of ever winning power.

    The ConDems are launching a major attack on public spending – benefits, wages, jobs.
    The unions, the Labour Party, the 12,000 new members who’ve joined since the election will be wanting answers.
    At the moment the RMT, FBU and PCS will be considering their positions on the Labour Leadership contest and supporting left candidates.

    The question is do you contest that terrain with the likes of Ed Balls & Millibands, or abandon the field to the bureaucracy?

    Like

  30. WIth one exception – Militant – the high points of the British far left so far have been outside the LP. I’m talking about the RCP in the 1940s, the SWP and the IMG in the late 1960s/early 1970s over Vietnam and the international aftermath of May 68, continuing in the struggles against Heath; and then the SWP’s initiating role in Respect in the wake of the Iraq war.

    According to the bankrupt perspective of Prianikoff, none of these should ever have happened.

    And Militant’s success in the 1970s/early 1980 in the LP had a political price – the embrace of a form of the parliamentary road to socialism by the organisation itself – the “Enabling Act” and all that jazz. Not something I see as exactly exemplary, though its organisational gains made it a force to be reckoned with.

    I just can’t take this seriously. I am not holding my breath for what will happen in the LP leadership contest. As a member of an affliated union, I will support whichever of the two left candidates get on the ballot. Which is probably neither of them, ‘cos they won’t manage it. They are on a hiding to nothing, and to blame the many activists who have been purged from the LP, or left it in disgust, over the past two decades for this is reactionary crap.

    This strategic cringing before Labour’s ‘authority’ is yet another reason why the British left is so weak and pathetic. It doesn’t actually want to win anything, because its inward policeman tells it that to attack the Labour Party is wrong. Even when the LP is actively promoting racism and privatisation, it still cringes before it. That is one thing the British left has to unlearn – without that it will get nowhere.

    Like

  31. “the SWP and the IMG in the late 1960s/early 1970s”

    Should be IS of course. But that was a key period of advance from micro-sect entrism to real engagement with a new generation of militants. Largely outside the LP.

    Like

  32. Even the Daily Mail has noticed that Balls is attacking the Tories from the right. According to them, he is to the right of Enoch Powell:

    http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1284473/On-immigration-Ed-Balls-right-Enoch-Powell-claim-Tories.html

    No doubt our Labour-loyalists will be saying this analysis is ‘ultraleft’. And of course, there is no difference between the old Labour leftism of Ian Mikardo and Michael Foot (Tribune), and this incredibly right-wing anti-immigration campaign by Balls.

    Talk about missing the wood for the trees!

    Like

  33. “According to the bankrupt perspective of Prianikoff, none of these should ever have happened.”

    You continually conflate the bureaucracy and membership of the Labour Party.

    The campaigns run by those groups *should* very definitely have happened, but none of them actually required all their forces leaving the Labour Party.
    Only enough to maintain an independent journal.
    I’ve experienced both sides of this coin and don’t have any dogmatic position on it.

    But on the whole I don’t see the point of self exclusion when there’s a possibility of being an organised group in the :LP, as the LRC has managed to be for some time now. Ending bans and proscriptions is a good slogan.

    In many of these cases staying out of the LP became a serious political mistake later down the line:-

    “RCP in the 1940s”

    They had about 500 members at their peak.
    They should have entered the LP as the war ended. The Healyites were then much more successful when they did so in the 1950’s.

    ” the SWP and the IMG in the late 1960s/early 1970s over Vietnam and the international aftermath of May 68″

    VSC was good, but didn’t require being outside the LP.
    The IMG maxed at around 1,000 members and periphery. The IS at around 3,500.
    The IMG had a seriously ultra-left attitude to the LP in this period until it was corrected later on.
    A substantial section of the IMG were always pro-entryist.

    It was almost certainly a big mistake that Grant didn’t get the USFI “franchise”. Most people laughed at Militant at the time, but they laughed last in the 1980’s. I strongly suspect that the forces that stay inside now will be in the same position in 5 years time.

    Like

  34. ID’s position on the Labour Party is becoming completely onesided.

    Let’s take the example of the demo against the EDL in Tower Hamlets. Several Labour Party councillors have already put their names to the statement opposing it and calling for a mobilisation against it. Inside the unions and the wider working class that gives it significant credibility.

    It is entirely possible to engage with Labour Party members around certain issues and it’s going to be absolutely essential to do so in the coming months.

    ID’s lack of nuance clarifies little.

    Like

  35. Prinkipo Exile Avatar
    Prinkipo Exile

    ID’s historic analysis is also faulty, as Prianikoff relates. The Healyite ‘Club’ built up a sizeable influence in the Labour Party during the 1950s even though they were marked by a totally sectarian organisational practice. This was not the Labour Party of today, but a party that actually organised on a weekly basis hundreds of thousands of workers and won huge turnouts and close to a majority of votes in elections, rather than the paltry numbers now. The crisis in the CP after Hungary in 1956 led to a further influx of leftists into the Labour Party who came under the influence of trotskyism. In the late 1950s, millions were mobilised by the CND movement, that had a close relationship with developments in the Labour Party even despite Bevan’s betrayal.

    After the launch of the SLL, Healy’s group won hegemenony over other trotskyists and leftists within Labour’s youth wing YS, though unfortunately leading it in a sectarian direction out of the Party in the early 1960s. Even in the sectarian wilderness prematurely outside the Party, the SLL still somehow managed to build a sizeable organisation and a big influence in the trade unions, despite refusing to march with the mainly student base of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign.

    However Prianikoff seems to be playing the ‘opposite twin’ to ID’s sectarianism, repeating myths of the likes of Militant and the Matgamna group. The IMG never succumbed to ultra leftism in the 1970s in the way he suggests – the IMG actually had a sizeable fraction in the Labour Party throughout that period and its establishment of groups like the Socialist Teachers Alliance and a similar group in the NUS indicated a willingness to work with left forces in Labour. The IMG even supported the foundation of the Livingstone and Knight-backed SCLV in 1978 and despite its dalliance with electoral projects against Labour the slogan on the front page Socialist Challenge for the 1979 election was ‘For a Labour Government’ despite the dismal record of Callaghan-Healey.

    And the reason Militant never continued to be part of the USFI was very simply because they ceased to be trotskyist, advocating the parliamentary road to socialism, expulsion of the Healyites from Labour, capitulation to imperialism in Ireland, sidelining the mass movement of women for their liberation, and believing that a few bourgeois nationalisations in Portugal had somehow created a workers state along the model of the Russian Revolution miraculously without a social revolution and under a bourgeois leadership. The left turn (sometimes ultra left) since withdrawing from the Labour Party in the 1990s should not delude us about their rotten earlier history of capitulation to reformism and social chauvinism.

    Like

  36. “The IMG never succumbed to ultra leftism in the 1970s in the way he suggests….”

    Not for the whole decade, as I already have indicated above. The change from “Red Mole” in the early 70’s to the “Socialist Challenge” of the late 70’s represented a move away from ultra-leftism.
    There were quite a few IMG’ers who were Labour Councillors around this time.
    As to the question of Militant vs the USFI, I tend to think quite a few of the accusations levelled against them were exaggerated. There were errors on both sides.

    Like

  37. Actually, my position on the Labour Party is far from one-sided or lacking nuance. In fact, if you look back just a few days, I was one of those arguing for a symathetic response to Diane Abbot’s candidacy on the grounds that while she may be flawed, she is still a genuine left-wing candidate.

    I do however, have an unremittingly hostile view of New Labour and am utterly opposed to portraying support for New Labour overt chauvinists, xenophobes and privatisers as some kind of class sentiment or class vote.

    Those who seek to do this deny reality, thus you see people equating Tribune (!!!) from the period when the Labour left was at its post-war peak, with the anti-immigrant rantings of Ed Balls. On the grounds that Tribune was not opposed to all immigration controls in principle. George Galloway is not in principle opposed to all immigration controls either. You want to equate him with Ed Balls? Ridiculous!

    I note the the absurd claim that Old Labour opposed the Tories from the right over immigration in decades past has been dropped. But this is at least one of the Labour leadership candidates acting as the vanguard of anti-immigrant reaction in a way that goes further than even the Tories currently want to go, and for highlighting it I am dismissed as lacking ‘nuance'(!!)

    This is not a question of nuance. It is a major issue.

    It rubs people up the wrong way because they don’t want to address the fact that New Labour is not acting like a working class party in any shape or form over this issue, but is acting as a reactionary bourgeois formation actively seeking to drive British society further to the right using immigration as a tool to do so.

    That is because the bourgeois element in New Labour has been qualitatively strengthened and has gained qualitatively more freedom of action and ideology that in the old Labour Party, and the link of trade unions to the party now has the character of a popular front attachment to an outright bourgeois formation.

    Even bourgeois commentators can spot the similarity of what Balls is doing with the actions of Enoch Powell a generation ago. This is dangerous stuff, not the usual characteristic of labour bureacrats(!), but of reactionary bourgeois populist demagogues.

    The left should be going for the jugular against New Labour over this, not moaning that making a big issue of it lack ‘nuance’!!

    Like

  38. Prinkipo Exile Avatar
    Prinkipo Exile

    “The change from “Red Mole” in the early 70′s to the “Socialist Challenge” of the late 70′s represented a move away from ultra-leftism.
    There were quite a few IMG’ers who were Labour Councillors around this time.”

    The IMG called for Labour governments in the elections in 1970 and the two in 1974.

    Robin Blackburn’s famous “Let it Bleed” article in 1970 is often used as the example of the highpoint of the IMG’s alleged ultraleftism but
    a) it was in Black Dwarf not an IMG paper b) before Blackburn joined the IMG c) taken up by the national secretary of the IMG who defended voting Labour in a rejoinder.

    The IMG worked in quite a few ultra left tinged movements (particularly among students) in the early 1970s, but I would argue it never formally or programmatically succumbed to ultra left positions. By 1974 it had sent a fraction back into the Labour Party and was even accused by the real ultra lefts of capitulation to Labourism by allegedly supporting the Tribunite demand for Wilson to implement Labour’s programme (which included immigration controls of course – more on this later).

    I am not aware of any Labour councillors who supported the IMG during the 1970s period, but there was certainly a 1974 Labour parliamentary candidate who joined the IMG and a couple of council candidates. This would not have happened had the IMG been ‘ultra left’. A breakaway group from the IMG which subsequently rejoined in 1980 recruited a Labour councillor who was elected in 1978 at the same time the IMG were standing Socialist Unity candidates, and after 1980 there were a fair few councillors who supported Socialist Action and the FI, and the organisation became very active in a whole range of influential Labour Party bodies.

    The formal positions of Militant during the 1960s and 1970s did represent a break from revolutionary socialism. however it is dressed up. The initial break up over supporting the expulsion of Healyites on the pretext of “defending a workers organisation from hooligans” may have been a storm in a teacup, but by the 1970s Militant was well ensconced into the parliamentary road and Labour bureaucracy, even to the extent of being outflanked by social democrats to their left (the case of refusing to support S O Davies and Eddie Milne, supporting the formal Labour candidate instead, was a good example of how Militant compromised socialist politics to stay in the Labour Party at all costs). By the time Nick Bradley signed Militant up to supporting the Social Contract it had got beyond the pale.

    Like

  39. Prinkipo Exile Avatar
    Prinkipo Exile

    I think ID needs to read past Labour Party manifestos if he thinks anything has fundamentally changed:

    1964
    “Labour accepts that the number of immigrants entering the United Kingdom must be limited. Until a satisfactory agreement covering this can be negotiated with the Commonwealth a Labour Government will retain immigration control. ”

    1966
    “In the field of immigration, we shall continue realistic controls, flexibly administered”

    1970
    “With the rate of immigration under firm control and much lower than in past years, we shall be able still more to concentrate our resources in the major task of securing good race relations. “

    Like

  40. Prinkipo Exile is quite hilarious in this thread. Hilarious in much the same way as the legless, armless knight from The Holy Grail is hilarious, which is to say more desperate and depressing than actually funny.

    The IMG was a silly and frivolous organisation at its root, easily swayed by any force that seemed to be in motion as befitted its student social base. And now, its descendent organisation has ended up as a tiny middle aged to elderly organisation of former students and former ultraleftists who have largely abandoned any project of building a revolutionary party in favour of this or that “broad” party of a very new (or in fact very old) type. John McAnulty’s recent article on this site has its flaws, but it captures the politics of these people very well.

    The notion that a few dozen superannuated liquidationists are in an position to play “more revolutionary than thou” games, based on their youthful ultra-leftism, is almost sweet. As is the notion that the Socialist Party/Militant have had some kind of “left turn” as opposed to merely holding to the views they have broadly speaking always had rather than the views cranky ultra-left sects attributed to them.

    Like

  41. Prinkipo Exile Avatar
    Prinkipo Exile

    Mark P – there are plenty of quotes from the 1970s direct from the pages of Militant that I can post to justify the positions I have argued.

    Particular low points include: the response in the pages of Militant to Shirley Williams’ public attack on them where they very clearly defend the parliamentary ‘peaceful’ road to socialism; their coverage of the Portuguese revolution where they argued a workers state along the lines of that created in the Russian Revolution had been brought into being by a series of bourgeois expropriations and nationalisations rather than a social revolution; and of course Nick Bradley’s signature as the LPYS representative on the Labour Party National Executive on a Tribunite inspired statement defending the Social Contract is pretty incontrovertible.

    Anyone who was actually in the Labour Party at that time (and I was) can readily testify to Militant’s ‘resolutionary socialism’ about how the ‘nationalisation of the top 200 monopolies’ by a ‘socialist Labour government’ will bring about the socialist utopia (with the usual aside that so long as we don’t get diverted by all this petty bourgeois middle class stuff about “women’s liberation”). Some of us can remember it in sleep, which is mostly where it sent us in Labour Party and LPYS meetings.

    Like

  42. Three bland quotes from three Labour election manifestos.

    Nowhere do they even implicitly attack the Tories from the right, or advocate policies to the right of the Tories.

    Nowhere do they seek to drag maintream politics to the right as does Balls in advocating an attack on the right of free movement under the various EU treaties.

    Prinkipo here plays the role of hack apologist for New Labour. The Daily Mail can spot that Balls is advocating a break to the right from the status quo consensus, why can’t people like Prinkipo?

    Like

  43. I’m well aware that taking long term entryism seriously dictated the use of certain, carefully chosen, verbal formulas when it came to discussing the way in which a socialist transformation of society would occur. The alternative was immediate expulsion if revolution was openly advocated, so the issue was carefully posed in terms of a socialist labour government backed up by the working class movement on the streets and in the workplaces.

    It was never posed in straightforwardly parliamentary terms, despite the gleeful posturing of the then ultra-left (now largely reformist or disappeared) sects of the day and Militant’s actual perspective for work in the Labour Party was never that a Labour government would or could legislate for socialism. It was that the workers would move into and through the Labour Party and that the party would split, allowing for the creation of a mass Marxist party out of its left.

    The likes of the IMG preferred not to understand the actual views of those they were arguing against and found it much more convenient to try to bait their opponents into opening themselves up for victimisation at the hands of the Labour Party bureaucracy. To see you trying to rehearse that kind of childish rubbish at a three decade remove would be amusing, but given the political evolution (and size and age profile) of the remnants ofthe IMG is actually rather sad.

    Nowadays you think that the Socialist Party have made some bizarre ultra-left turn. In fact all that’s happened is that your ultra-left youth has turned into a reformist old age and you’ve marched right past us.

    Like

  44. Prinkipo Exile Avatar
    Prinkipo Exile

    Mark P: Militant’s argument about the nationalisation of the economy as a route to socialism was not about tactics within the Labour Party, but about an adaptation internationally of the revolutionary programme towards social democracy and bourgeois nationalism.

    I have already indicated that Militant believed that in 1974 in Portugal a worker’s state was on the verge of being created (I believe that there is a direct quote from Militant that Portugal was “75%” on the way to becoming a workers’ state – but I’ll check that later), but in Burma and Syria, Militant actually believed and argued that these countries were fully fledged Workers’ States – how do you justify that in terms of tactics in relation to the Labour Party?

    I’ll ignore the gratuitous insults – they don’t help your argument one jot.

    Like

  45. There are no gratuitous insults, merely accurate descriptions of the laughable history of your nearly dead sectlet.

    I’m genuinely entertained to have someone from SR/Respect/whatever try to criticise Militant from the “left” in 2010, as if the entire history of your own organisation since your ultra-left youth simply hadn’t happened. As if the USFI wasn’t now an organisation devoted to liquidating itself into non-revolutionary “broad” organisations the world over. In every single party in the world in which both the USFI and the CWI have worked over a period of a couple of decades, the CWI has formed or worked as part of a left, revolutionary, opposition. The USFI has adapted itself to the leadership or formed part of the reformist leadership. Italy, Portugal, Brazil (in two different parties), Germany, Scotland, etc etc.

    And yet here you are, in all your ridiculous pomposity, trying to lecture us as stray reformists from the position of your youthful ultra-leftism! You are clearly not overly endowed with self-awareness.

    By the way, I quite agree that it was a mistake to characterise Burma and Syria at one point as “proletarian bonapartist” / “deformed workers states” / Whatever you’re having yourself. Militant never described Portugal as such however, outside of the apparently fertile reaches of your imagination. And such past mistakes seem rather minor beside the USFI’s conviction that every Stalinist dictator who seemed even slightly distinct from Moscow (by turns Tito, Mao, Castro) was an “unconscious Trotskyist” or the determined downplaying of the murder of your own Comrades by the Vietnamese Stalinists.

    But really, I don’t much bother with such criticisms of the USFI today. It would be like criticising the CPB over the sectarian excesses of Third Period Stalinism. Both organisations today simply have little political relationship with their own distant past and are best approached as dwindling bunches of ageing but honest social democrats. The participation of the USFI in the Brazilian popular front government is a rather more relevant point of refence than the antics of your youth.

    Like

  46. Anyway, now that Diane Abbott has shamed various New Labour dweebs into allowing her onto the ballot despite their intentions for a stitch up, this is a real left-right fight. And its a fight by a decent, if sometime erratic left-winger against the nastiest right-wing opponents in Labour history.

    It is a battle in which immigration, and the vicious chauvinism and xenophobia of New Labour will be pitted against a left-winger of immigrant background who seems determined to make this question a big issue in the election. Good! We should be in favour of Diane Abbott – but that is not enough.

    We should advocate that her anti-immigrant opponents should be hounded out of the labour movement. They have no place in a party that claims, however spuriously these days, to be a ‘Labour’ party.

    This could really fuck things up for New Labour, and I would encourage all who can to get stuck in on the side of Diane Abbott.

    Like

  47. re Prinkipo

    “I am not aware of any Labour councillors who supported the IMG during the 1970s period”

    I knew an IMG member who became a Labour councillor in the Potteries before 1980.

    “I would argue it never formally or programmatically succumbed to ultra left positions.”

    Maybe so, but there was a slightly weird period in the early 70’s when the IMG went on about the difference between the “organisational” and “political” hold of social democracy. The implication being that fighting social democratic politics in the unions was more important.
    I can remember a debate on this in which John Palmer attacked the IMG positon invoking “Comrade Trotsky” and the Transitional Programme of the F.I. !

    At the time, both the IMG and Matgamna’s ‘Workers Fight’ group were arguing for a General Strike and a “Workers Government based on the unions” as an alternative.

    Anyway, I seem to have opened up a hornet’s nest of acrimony between the CWI and USEC, (which wasn’t intended!)

    Like

  48. Prinkipo Exile Avatar
    Prinkipo Exile

    Mark P: I specifically said that Portugal was NOT characterised by Militant as a workers state but that it was seen as en route to it, so don’t misrepresent what I said. I promised you I would find the exact details of the “75%” quote from Militant and I will.

    I’m glad you agree that Militant in the 1970s were wrong to see Syria and Burma as workers states – this was a serious adaptation to bourgeois nationalisation. Presumably you also agree that ‘entry work’ in bourgeois nationalist parties in some countries (eg Jamaica, Pakistan) during the 1970s was also wrong? My argument is that these were part of a wholesale programmatic adaptation to reformism that culminated in the propagandist notion of a socialist government being brought about by nationalisation under capitalism.

    The position of the FI has been quite clear on the recent history of the popular front government in Brazil and the documents relating to it are quite public and on the FI’s site. Aside from the obvious criticism of the trajectory of Lula’s government, the other important thing is that there was debate about it in the FI, something inconceivable in the Militant and CWI of old, and that the FI did not adapt to popular frontism.

    Your historic insults about the FI and stalinism are reminiscent of Healyite slanders rather than informed debate – it’s a wonder you didn’t throw in Sri Lanka or Algeria, why not go for the full house from the Healyite book? The Militant history is quite clear that it wasn’t political disagreement with the FI’s policy on Vietnam, Yugoslavia, China or Cuba, all of which had become workers’ states during the Militant current’s membership of the FI, that led to its departure in 1965. It was about organisational issues and status, and in fact the current fought to REMAIN in membership of the FI despite obvious disagreements. The history of the CWI written by Taafe argues that it was purely about status and wanting to be recognised as the offical section in a situation where a split had occured.

    Your rewriting of trotskyist history ignores the fact that there were real revolutionary processes and mobilisations in Cuba, Vietnam, China and Yugoslavia, not nationalisations by bourgeois governments as in Syria and Burma and demanded by Militant as the pinacle of socialism for Britain, and to claim that they were the same is an insult to the millions that did rise up and fight real armed struggles against capitalism.

    Since the CWI groups now collaborate in the same organisational context and trajectory as the FI in a number of countries, including the building of broad anti capitalist parties that were initiatives of the FI sections in some, I find it hard to believe that the CWI as a whole characterises the FI as a dwindling bunch of social democrats but maybe that’s due to your own lack of diplomacy compared to your fellow comrades?

    Like

  49. You may find it hard to believe, but that’s because you are an ageing social democrat, desperately trying to convince himself that he’s still the frothing ultra-left of his misspent youth.

    My comments were specific to Socialist Resistance, the ur-example of the USFI as a dwindling bunch of increasingly elderly social democrats, but I’d have no problem in extending them to cover much of the rest of the USFI.

    The CWI does not “collaborate in the same organisational context and trajectory as the [US]FI in a number of countries”. It is inside the same parties as the USFI in a number of countries, but in each and every one of those countries the USFI has adapted itself to a reformist party leadership or actually forms part of the reformist party leadership, while the CWI seeks to build revolutionary oppositional currents within those parties. There is no collaboration because our roles in those parties are utterly incompatible.

    And no, by the way, I don’t think that it was wrong in principle to carry out entryism on a tactical basis in some unstable populist parties in the third world, with the aim of encouraging a split and the creation of a genuine working class party.

    You are, of course, misrepresenting the role of the USFI in Brazil. In fact, the USFI internationally backed the line of its Brazilian section for many years as it wormed its way into the leadership faction of that reformist party (as it did in the PRC in Italy and elsewhere) and represented this is as model work for Marxists. When the local majority took that approach to its logical conclusion and took office in a popular front government, not only did the USFI internationally not take any action (when the LSSP did the same thing it was expelled) it didn’t even initially call on the local section to leave the government. Instead, it made some vaguely worried tutting noises, only later coming out against the decision. Even then it allowed the Brazilians to remain as members of the USFI, which they still would be today if they hadn’t voluntarily left.

    Finally, you are confusing the disagreements the British section of the ISFI had with the international majority (over things like the ISFI majority’s delusions that Tito/Mao/Castro were “unconscious Trotskyists”) with the technical issue which caused the split. The latter, as you note, was precipitated by the international leadership undemocratically recognising a second section in Britain which was not bound by the decisions of the majority of the section. That’s a trick which the USFI still uses to this day – whenever it has a local majority out of sync with the whims of the international leadership, the local minority finds itself recognised as an alternative section free from any obligation to the national majority.

    Like

  50. “There are no gratuitous insults, merely accurate descriptions of the laughable history of your nearly dead sectlet.”

    Do people really still write this stuff?

    Like

  51. In the good old days the insults came for free.

    Like

  52. Fascinating and uplifting as this exchange between Mark P and Prinkipo is I think it’s pretty much run its course.

    Can I recommend the two sites below?

    I’d still love to read that description of how tightly controlled front organisations are the way forward if anyone is looking for an alternative to the soccer.

    http://www.teenissues.co.uk/AngerManagementTechniques.html

    http://www.anger-management-techniques.org/

    Like

  53. “…a dwindling bunch of increasingly elderly social democrats”

    Not everyone has to be a social democrat, but unless you’re Benjamin Button, everyone is increasingly elderly.
    I suppose by a selective recruitment policy a “bunch” could get increasingly youthful, until it held its meetings in a playschool.
    But eventually it would end up as an embryonic organisation.
    Your mum…..

    Like

  54. With respect on the road out its no surprise to see more cosying up to the loyal opposition imperialist, capitalist, scum that is her majestys loyal and unionist labour party.

    Like

Leave a reply to GT Cancel reply

Trending