imageA few years ago I mentioned to a Welsh chum of Hugo Chavez that I was reading something by Althusser because I felt I should but wasn’t really getting into it. His advice was pretty sensible. “Life’s too short to waste time on that bollocks”.

My own opinion of Slavoj Žižek is pretty similar but not everyone thinks so. This review by Richard Willmsen is in the current issue of Socialist Resistance.

‘Living in the End Times’, Slavoj Žižek , Verso, 2010

Slavoj Žižek recently proclaimed that ‘only a strong dose of the left can protect liberal freedoms’. At a moment like this, such a clear statement of the importance of radical left-wing ideas and of activity inspired by the Socialist tradition has of course to be welcomed. Žižek has become a hugely influential figure over the last few years. His work reaches a readership far beyond that usually achieved by often very lengthy books dealing with the ideological form and content of subjectivity, Marxist cultural analysis and the urgent need for radical political transformation. He writes prolifically, speaks to overflowing auditoriums worldwide and is the star of at least two films dedicated to his work. It is clearly a good thing to have left-wing ideas achieving such wide circulation.

His new book ‘Living in the End Times’ deals principally with our collective response to the various forms of armageddon that we are faced with. He applies psychoanalytical concepts and ideas borrowed from thinkers such as Hegel to look at the origins of denial of the consequences of the economic and ecological crises that threaten to assail the globe and the possibility and probability of radical transformation. Along the way he takes in subjects as diverse as the children’s movie Kung Fu Panda, environmentalism as a new opium of the people, the case of Josef Fritzl, and glimpses of a utopian society in the work of Franz Kafka, producing his usual dazzling succession of highly entertaining and inspiring insights, along with a few frustrating and puzzling diversions on the way.

His work can sometimes be very hard to follow, given that in employing concepts from the work of Jacques Lacan it often echoes his endlessly elliptical and self-reflexive style; this is mixed with the eternal negations of Hegelian thought. A complete understanding of Žižek’s work would demand an indepth familiarity not only with those two thinkers, but also Marx, Kant, Heidegger, Lukacs, Adorno, Althusser, Marx, Freud, and many more, not to mention Wagner and the Bible. In the process of using (his often very idiosyncratic version of) those works to identify deadlocks in contemporary ideology, he encounters deadlocks in his own thinking, which he often neatly sidesteps by shifting the focus from political analysis to psychoanalysis to philosophy, using the tools of each to interrogate assumptions in the others. Put simply, he has a habit of changing the subject when it becomes clear that his argument is leading nowhere, but so captivating is his manner of doing so it can easily blind the reader to the inconsistencies of his arguments.

How useful is Žižek’s work to non-academic Marxist revolutionaries? He is keen to stress that he is a Marxist, but caution is called for; after all, Derrida and Baudrillard also allegedly defended the Marxist tradtion of thought, and Žižek himself has made it clear that none of his pronouncements are to be taken at face value. Echoing Alain Badiou’s notion of the messianic revolutionary (but entirely unpredictable) event, he often leans in the direction of Maoism. He also tends towards arguments of an ultraleftist variety; for example it is difficult to tell when he is being serious, joking or merely being provocative when he says that the protests against the Iraq war were counterproductive and served to legitimise it. Outside of an academic context such an argument would immediately be dismissed as ultraleftism, and the consistent tone of pessimism which characterises his work finds an appreciative audience among those keen on radical ideas but unwilling to engage in radical action. It contains a great deal of often vague exhortations to overthrow liberal capitalism but with no suggestion as to the means of doing so. At times he does seem to embrace the ideas of Lenin and Trotsky, and at other times dismisses them out of hand and disparages the notion of building a revolutionary organisation along twentieth century lines. In a similar way he explores the radical core of Christian thought, but is very keen to stress his atheist credentials. As for his occasional embrace of certain aspects of Stalinist terror, he most often seems to be joking, which even the most cursory knowledge of psychoanalysis would recognise as a sign that he has an uncomfortable relation with Stalinism. The same can be said for his talk of the need for revolutionary terror in some form, echoing the Maoist cultural revolution.

Žižek has explained that his notion of the role of the philosopher is not to answer questions but to show that the wrong questions are being asked. Nevertheless, many people look to him for answers. His most consistent answer is: wait, think. His books can therefore be enlightening and inspiring but there is nothing that tells what to do, rather a confusing guide to what *not* to do. Also, as Ian Parker points out in his critical guide to Žižek’s thinking, there are clear limits to the use of the concepts of Lacanian psychoanalysis, concepts intended to be applied in the process of individual analysis, as a strategy for radical political transformation. Žižek’s works provides an invaluable tool in the struggle to interpret the world; in terms of our understanding of the task of how to change it, we need to look elsewhere.

14 responses to “Žižek: endlessly elliptical and self-reflexive”

  1. A very well-thought out post. You have pointed out the basic half-way measures and unfinished morasses of Zizek well, and managed to keep your temper and sense of humour. What a feat!

    One point of information though: Zizek’s contrarian arguments about the anti-war movement were to the effect that they legitimated liberal ideology, not the war itself.

    The point was, the sudden die-back of the movement was related to the fact that there was a strong “narcissistic” or “spectacular” dimension of trying to dissociate one’s self, cleanse one’s conscience etc., and not a consistent struggle, and that, in the same way, the that cynical politicians very openly and effectively used the argument “ah, see, we are the democrats, the good-guys, we allow this, this is the freedom we are going to war for.” The legitimate element of this was to point out that you really need to find to a commitment beyond the limits of liberal politics; as a common element basically came to the fore between politicians and protestors. As a participant in the anti-war movement in Australia I have to admit, that at the time, I did feel that the protests somehow obeyed the unwritten rules of producing a spectacle that showed that really, the system works, here we can have our little say. Then the government openly ignored it, on the basis that it was just a “difference of opinion that one gets in a democracy”, and the movement collapsed, because they really had believed that someone out there would here their plaintive cry. I remember feeling, during the protests that this was somehow all going according to the script, that the protest itself was already included in the whole process, we would be allowed to vent our frustration, and then appreciate the therapy. I also remember reading that statement by Zizek and thinking that, for all its glibness, it had articulated my feelings at that time.

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  2. it would be good if the reviewer gave an example with a quote from the book of:

    “changing the subject when it becomes clear that his argument is leading nowhere”

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  3. And so on and so on.

    Am I being obtuse or is the narrative thread of these contributions slightly difficult to follow?

    “We must because it’s impossible” for example is way too dialectical for me.

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  4. I agree with Brendan’s comment above but I think Zizek has a very knowing habit of making profoundly shocking statements in order to introduce occasionally very salient arguments. What sticks in the memory however is the statement itself. Perhaps in that case he was trying to in a sense echo Baudrillard’s comment about the Gulf war never having taken place. As much as I do like Zizek I have to admit that this kind of strategy sometimes puts me in mind of those utter wankers from Living Marxism/Spiked.

    On another note there was a very telling moment at the end of the On the idea of communism conference, immediately I think after the second clip above, when Zizek suggested that since the assembled gathering, mostly made up of academics and students, had throughout the weekend seen the emergence of a glimmer of possibility of a new communist project, it would be appropriate for everyone to stand up and sing the Internationale. Slowly more and more people got to their feet – and shuffled out of the hall with their heads hung low. And oddly enough, a strikingly similar scenario presented itself at the end of the improvised play put on as part of the Chto Delat? season at the ICA last Friday. The choir struck up the Internationale, a few people rose to their feet, and everyone else just looked mortified. I think there is a valid point which both episodes demonstrate, that the move from individual and intellectual engagement with theory to collective action is a shocking and violent rupture which few engaged in academic Marxist theory are prepared to put themselves through. It is also the case of course that the left needs new songs to sing.

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  5. “It is also the case of course that the left needs new songs to sing.”

    Which neatly explains what Liam has been trying to do with Trotsky Burger…

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  6. Mark Victorystooge Avatar
    Mark Victorystooge

    I was not there so other than this description I don’t know what the composition of the audience was. But it seems to me that two decades after the USSR’s collapse, the left’s morale is rather low, certainly in Britain, hence the invitation to sing the Internationale had few takers. There were also only a few thousand people at the London May Day march, and a high proportion of them were from Turkey.

    It may also point to a deficiency in “academic Marxists”. The Winter Palace was not stormed by bookworms.

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  7. Mark Victorystooge Avatar
    Mark Victorystooge

    And to add to the foregoing, this is about morale. There is no intrinsic reason why people in economic meltdown should not go for Marxist alternatives rather than Tea Party types or even fascists that are currently in vogue, but if the left do not believe in themselves, why should others?

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  8. I don’t even know the Internationale beyond the first two lines, and I only know them in French. (Debout, les damnés de la terre is still a magnificent line.) Great anthem, but it’s never really been part of British labour movement culture – or, by extension, radical culture.

    Brendan explains the line about the anti-war protests very persuasively, but it still comes out sounding like an ultra-left shadow of the way pro-war leftists dissociated themselves from the movement – none of these people really understand, I mean ultimately what are they really marching for… More generally, Zizek uses this professional-contrarian argumentative style which I find profoundly irritating, sort of two steps back, three steps forward and then a leap sideways – I’m not saying that 2+2=5, I’m just suggesting that perhaps where we go wrong is in excluding the possibility that 5=2+2, particularly since there is in fact no such number as 2… and off we go again.

    Luke is also very good on Zizek’s power-worship – sorry, I mean Zizek’s Leninism.

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  9. Mark Victorystooge Avatar
    Mark Victorystooge

    But why isn’t it? Does a labour movement, let alone a radical culture, even exist in Britain? It seems to be almost as non-existent as it is in that other Anglophone place, the USA.

    It may be related to the way many on the left in Britain idolise George Orwell, even though he pissed on the organised left in Britain every chance he got.

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  10. why isn’t it?

    Because we sang the Red Flag instead.

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  11. Mark Victorystooge Avatar
    Mark Victorystooge

    The Red Flag is a song little known outside the UK, and probably Zizek has not heard of it. Anyway, from the descriptions nobody was offering to sing it or anything else – their response to Zizek’s proposal was merely embarrassment.

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  12. […] Slavoj Zizek – admittedly funny and clever, this posturing windbag and his ne plus ultra radicalism (oh so daring celebrations of violence and of totalitarian dictators) is so completely divorced from the real world that anyone caught in his headlights is lost to the effort of making it a better place.  […]

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