Successive approximations of reality is the best that we can manage most of the time. This piece is a good example. There are visual clues as to some things that could have been mentioned.

20 As the day nears – 20 October – when the details of the Con-Dem government’s next attacks on the working class are revealed, so also does discussion within the labour movement intensify on how best to resist them.

There is a growing determination that the government must be confronted head-on and not just in words but with deeds.

There is also a great urge for unity on a fighting programme and organisation which can provide a lead to millions whose living standards will be shattered as chancellor George Osborne’s axe falls.

The National Shop Stewards Network (NSSN) was the first national organisation of the labour movement which sought to express this mood in an organised form.

It was the first to organise a national conference after Osborne announced the first series of cuts in his so-called ’emergency budget’.

The NSSN also gave the lead – with a tremendous response on the ground from the growing anti-cuts movement – in organising the lobby of the TUC conference.

All activity – demos, meetings, etc – to raise awareness against the cuts is to be welcomed. But the NSSN correctly foresaw that exerting pressure on the leadership of our movement, the trade unions, was the first priority.

This paid off when the TUC was forced to respond to the demand for a national demonstration – albeit belatedly for next March.

The NSSN also took an important initiative with the most militant unions – RMT, FBU, PCS – in organising the London march to the TUC headquarters on 23 October, which will continue to put pressure on the TUC to call a trade union-organised demonstration this year.

ca The NSSN is the only anti-cuts organisation which is firmly rooted in the trade unions. Above all, its programme outlines a clear way forward in the struggle against the cuts. At its steering committee on 2 October it outlined a series of measures including taking "the campaign to the wider trade union movement and the community at large at local level".

It also stated: "we wish to collaborate with all local and national organisations". But it made the important qualification: "However, we cannot accept a top-down approach adopted by some organising the fight against the cuts".

At the beginning of what promises to be a brutal and drawn-out struggle, it is vital to underline this point.

In recent struggles this, unfortunately, has been the approach by some organisations. The Stop the War Coalition steering committee – dominated by the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) – was top-down, did not have democratic structures, and did not allow the full expression of oppositional views to the SWP.

Against the objections of the Socialist Party representatives on the committee, the SWP and their allies bulldozed the decision through the committee to allow a platform to the Liberal Democrats – without any public criticisms of them – before hundreds of thousands at the massive anti-war demonstration in London in February 2003.

They also refused to allow any speaker on behalf of a socialist organisation. This burnished the ‘anti-war’ credentials of Charles Kennedy and the Lib-Dems. This undoubtedly helped to build up their ‘radical’ image particularly amongst young people.

Clegg boast

Nick Clegg boasts of his anti-war stance then, while at the same time enthusiastically embracing Osborne’s axe today as well as the continued occupation of Afghanistan! Such mistakes can only be avoided in this battle if hard questions are asked about the character of the coming struggle, the best programme to defeat all the cuts, and the kind of organisations that are needed.

One such issue immediately posed is why all those seriously interested in defeating the cuts are not coming fully behind the NSSN, which is building a fighting coalition.

Why, for instance, has a new organisation, the ‘Coalition of Resistance’ organised a separate conference on 27 November? Initiators of this include some of those ex-members of the SWP and other groups who were in the ascendancy in the Stop the War committee.

They have even claimed that they are the ‘main’ organisation fighting the cuts. The fact that a few prominent Labour MPs, ex-Labour MPs and trade unionists sponsor a meeting does not give them the authority to claim this.

On the ground, it has been supporters of the NSSN – Socialist Party members and others – who have initiated the majority of anti-cuts committees.

Everybody is, or should be in favour of maximum unity in the common struggle against the cuts. ‘But what is your programme?’ is the question posed to all organisations and individuals in this battle.

We cannot accept, as the NSSN explains, "smaller cuts over a longer period, as advocated by Labour-in-opposition against the big axe and swingeing cuts of the Con-Dem government".

We do not prevent anybody from joining in the struggle – including Labour councillors who are prepared to break ranks – but it must be on a programme of opposing all the cuts, not just the ones implemented by the Con-Dem government but also councils – even Labour councils – which seek the small axe to carry out the wishes of the central government.

It is not a question of seeking a ‘hegemonic’ position for any one organisation. In many different fields there are already existing fighting organisations – the pensioners’ organisations, housing, education, etc.

It would be wrong and counter-productive for any organisation to seek to supersede those that already exist and who are, in most cases, doing a good job.

But a generalised struggle is absolutely necessary in this battle which seeks to link up the different strands of opposition.

The trade unions are best placed to do this. Unfortunately, right-wing trade union leaders merely pay lip service to this task. The NSSN does not seek to replace unions but to act as a lever in the struggle, as it has done in organising with the left unions on 23 October.

This is why the NSSN has called a national conference in January as the accompanying article demonstrates.

Unfortunately, the SWP representatives on the NSSN steering committee, having voted unanimously for this proposal, then distributed a leaflet on the ‘Right to Work’ dem
onstration at the Tory Party conference proposing an alternative ‘unity’ conference on 5 December! This is clearly aimed at cutting across the NSSN’s effort one month later.

This approach is quite common to the SWP. Others will organise a meeting on a specific date and they will try to counter this with a separate event, sometimes even on the same day and same venue but half an hour earlier! For example, the NSSN, including Socialist Party members of its steering committee, has tried to avoid its annual conference clashing with the SWP’s ‘Marxism’ event but the SWP-led Unite Against Fascism has organised a demo to clash with Socialism 2010.

In fact UAF has not yet replied to the invite to come to Socialism 2010 to debate the serious questions of how to defeat the far right which was sent in July.

Along this road is nothing but sectarian madness and unnecessary divisions within what should be a common struggle, albeit with a debate on strategy and tactics.

We are sure that the NSSN supporters will attend all meetings and activities called against the cuts.

They, and the Socialist Party, certainly, will attend events like those called on 27 November. But we will do so in order to make firm proposals for a common struggle and to press for mobilisation behind the NSSN.

Many speak about the lessons of the poll tax – some organising meetings on ‘how it was defeated’ when they actually opposed the struggle in its initial phases – but the real lessons are ignored.

It was not the official trade union leaders, the national or local leaderships of the Labour Party that defeated the tax but the huge efforts of the Anti-Poll Tax Federation in the non-payment campaign.

Something along similar lines can provide the necessary programme and organisation to defeat this present Con-Dem onslaught.

Unity is vital but not of the graveyard variety. An action programme, an action organisation to defeat the cuts, is what is required and the NSSN is best suited to this task.

27 responses to “This Is My Truth Tell Me Yours”

  1. Why don’t the NSSN, Colaition of resistance and the right to work campiagn;s cancel their conference and call a joint meeting of all those involved in those campaigns to organise a genuine delegate conference with democratic debate and and set up a democratic structure. NSSN must realise they only represent some of the union activits and very few of the local and community activists and none of those yet to be drawn into struggle but might come to such a cionference. Time for ev everybody to grwo up and put the class struggel before their own narrow interests. They did that in Portugal over a decade ago and look what happened!

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  2. I despair – the far left bickers over meeting dates.

    Yesterday I helped to organise a local anti-cuts meeting and the same section of activists, including Socialist Party members who should have known better, turned up to conduct an abstract discussion on the merits of strike action, completely disconnected from the actual level of resistance to cuts locally, whilst the rest of us looked on in disbelief and frustration. It was incredibly demoralising.

    If this is the level of debate we can expect from now on, we are already screwed.

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  3. If it’s any consolation Kevin tonight members of both the SWP and SP agreed without a second’s hesitation to speak in a workshop at the Coalition of Resistance conference. That’s the sort of attitude we need a lot more of.

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  4. “If it’s any consolation Kevin tonight members of both the SWP and SP agreed without a second’s hesitation to speak in a workshop at the Coalition of Resistance conference. That’s the sort of attitude we need a lot more of.”

    That is positive. Once in a while however it does me a lot of good to imagine that the leaders of both organisations are either fucked in the head or in the pay of MI5 or both.

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  5. COR has made it clear it recognises and supports all initiatives and is not seeking hegemony. Cor recognises the existence of others, welcomes them and works with them. COR publicises all campaigns and all initiatives. The basis of any successful campaign must be based on recognising the pluralism and also the autonomy of local campaigns, building a network based on solidarity.
    Cor and Peoples Charter are jointly organising the Downing Street rally and other events, inviting speakers from all campaigns including the RTW.

    The issue is not who got there first, who did what when or did not talk to whom. The issue is to ensure we all go forward together, learning from each other and not assuming only one group has the answers. The movement as a whole must decide answers.

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  6. ps the same goes for the NSSN and any other initiative overlooked in error.

    Whilst many initiatives / events / conferences exist there has been a large vaccuum where there has been a growing demand for action.

    Question-do we wait for others to get their heads together or do we mobilise where we can?

    Hopefully now it is not just about attending a workshop to criticise but to participate in a conference to positively build unity.

    The movement needs allto be involved but cant just wait for common sense to break out. Hopefully now it will and we all march and organise together in the interests of all affected by these attacks on working people from the CON DEMS.

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  7. I may be wrong (often am) but in response comments that the SP item re NSSN/ CoR/RtW in The Socialist (at http://www.socialistparty.org.uk/issue/641/10358/06-10-2010/national-shop-stewards-network-and-the-struggle-against-con-dem-attacks) is `NOT GOOD’, here’s my perception.

    My own perception, based on my limited set of experiences in NO2EU, in national and Brighton TUSC meetings, and in the Brighton Coalition Against The Cuts, is that there is a qualitative difference between the SWP and the SP in terms of their openness and wish to broaden out (slightly?) .. that the SP is possibly becoming slighly less insistent than the SWP in its hegemonic attempts. Of course, it over-eggs its own, and NSSN’s involvement/ leadership in local and national struggles, but is dos have a valuable track record in organising and acting. A point re its conference, the first anti-cuts national conference, not having been advertised as such is a bit nitpicky… whatever the meeting was advertised as, that’s what it did become, the first national co-ordinated conference against the cuts. The national NSSN, NO2EU (with its many faults, eg its nationalism, and TUSC did /do involve trade unions, they did /do involve other organisations, and I do prefer the SP `take’ on CoR than the SWP’s. The SWP seem to be going soft on Labour, as they did on the Liberals over the anti-war movement.

    It is excellent that Socialist Resistance is fully involved in CoR, with, indeed, some of our comrades occupying leading positions in the CoR organisation, but other than my welcoming the CoR national conference – likely to bring in (much!) wider layers than the NSSN (or indeed the RtW) I do agree with the rest of the SP/ The Socialist statement that

    Why, for instance, has a new organisation, the ‘Coalition of Resistance’ organised a separate conference on 27 November? Initiators of this include some of those ex-members of the SWP and other groups who were in the ascendancy in the Stop the War committee. They have even claimed that they are the ‘main’ organisation fighting the cuts. The fact that a few prominent Labour MPs, ex-Labour MPs and trade unionists sponsor a meeting does not give them the authority to claim this.

    On the ground, it has been supporters of the NSSN – Socialist Party members and others – who have initiated the majority of anti-cuts committees. Everybody is, or should be in favour of maximum unity in the common struggle against the cuts. ‘But what is your programme?’ is the question posed to all organisations and individuals in this battle. We cannot accept, as the NSSN explains, “smaller cuts over a longer period, as advocated by Labour-in-opposition against the big axe and swingeing cuts of the Con-Dem government”.

    We do not prevent anybody from joining in the struggle – including Labour councillors who are prepared to break ranks – but it must be on a programme of opposing all the cuts, not just the ones implemented by the Con-Dem government but also councils – even Labour councils – which seek the small axe to carry out the wishes of the central government.

    In Brighton the Brighton Trades Council (on which no group has a majority- it includes SP, SWP. Green, Labour, SR supporters) voted down (overwhelmingly) the SWP move to invite Labour speakers on to the speakers’ platform on the recent anti-cuts march/ rally against the cuts…

    I think that was the right decision… it’s a bit sickening to see Labour Councillors who would (often triumphantly) carry out cuts if they were in power, criticising Tory Cuts. In fact the Labour council group leader did give a `personal testimony’ from the platform of the most recent rally, a bit pathetic I thought… quite right to point out the effect of the cuts in the workplace, but no anti-cits programme or perspective at all was advanced… how could she do that anyway, when labour was going to carry out massive cuts (and, in power in local councils, is already doing/ planning to do so). Fine to invite Anti-Cuts leftists within Labour, fine, but that’s a tiny tny and impotent minority of them, whose effect (though not their intention) is to rpovide a fig-leaf for Labour.. Labour is neoliberal, too, as well as the Tories and LibDems.

    Anyhow, forward to the Brighton Coalition Against The Cuts Rally in Brighton on Sat 30 october (meet midday, the Level, Lewes Rd)… hope to have over a thousand on the march… not just numbers opposing cuts, but with a socialist perspective and programme on the platform

    Our aim, in TUSC and, I thought, in SR, is to set up/ promote the development of a socialist party to the Left of Labour. I think that NSSN (and indeed CNWP and TUSC) are, unlike the RtW of the SWP, steps on that road in which Socialist Resistance must play a (critical/ critique-al; pluralising, democratising) part.

    Dave Hill

    Brighton TUSC

    Brighton SR (individual capacity)

    former Labour Parliamentary candidate/ Group leader

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  8. Alf: what political program do you intend to argue for CoR to adopt at their November meeting?

    Banks? Monopoly capital? Employment? etc.

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  9. David the aim of the conference is that instead of a top down cttee telling people the so-called answers with no debate, it is for those attending to exchange views, experiences and ideas. The answers will come out of the conference based on the experiences of those affected by and fighting the cuts.

    Yes I and others have our own views and we will present ideas and suggestions but we do not claim that we have all the answers . The quick fix simple slogan agreed by the CC leadership is not the way forward.

    In France, 3 million on the streets is working out answers. Let us get 300,000 on the streets on the 20th will be a grerat start.

    Yes ofcourse we are in favour of building an anti-capitalist alliance and promoting of transitional demands around class action in defence of working people and their allies.

    How about for a start, “the workers united will never be defeated”. “United action not sectarianism”.

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  10. Alf, with all due respect, isn’t that exactly the sort of set of platitudes someone who preferred to work through Right to Work or the NSSN could come out with just as much as someone who prefers the CoR?

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  11. I prefer we all work together and jointly sponsor and jointly build together. We must at least start off by recognising and working with each other.
    The issue is not who came first and why? The issue is there are many campaigns, working in different ways and we need to get them to all work together, as People’s Charter is woth COR.
    This is not about platitudes, it is about saying we need to work towards building a united front against cuts which can encompass all and not be about one group hegemonising it over others.

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  12. I tend to think that the priority needs to be building strong campaigns on the ground rather than a national “united front”.

    Whether there is formally one national organisation or a bunch of them, the same political and organisational tensions will arise between much the same groupings. One issue that is particularly going to cause disagreement is the approach taken to Labour Party politicians who will oppose “Tory cuts” while backing Labour ones at a Council level.

    I’m not sure that local anti-cuts campaigns will be all that well served by having John Rees or whoever putting out grandiose declarations filled with “flair”.

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  13. Alf: out of interest, do you call your self a marxist? If you do I think you might be mistaken. Building a united front has become something of a fetish for you replacing any kind of principle. I could build a united front for blowing bubbles out of my arse but I don’t think it would help,

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  14. Well Dave you blow bubbles from where ever you wish to whilst I and others get on with the serious work.
    If you wish to reduce debate to that level well I will leave it to others to comment. To busy building the united front against the CONDEM cuts but you feel free to play in the sandpit.

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  15. Mark I agree that any national co-ordination of various campaigns must be based on and recognising the primacy of local labour movement campaigns, linking up with users of services, local communitiy based groups and others.
    If Labour Cllrs support the campaigns and oppose the cuts, then fine and we will and must include them in this. If they dont or if they limit opposition to simply getting Labour reelected in 5 years time and do nothing then we must part company with them.
    My experience on COR so far is that no one sees themselves as a ” grandiose” and nor should that be the case. The conference plans on the 27th makes it very clear, the answers must come from those involved in fighting the cuts and not to be imposed from on high. We have all had enough of top down campaigns.
    David this is what I mean by a united front. It is not a fetish it is an essential pre-requisite to success. Learn the history of the 30’s and other failures before you are qiuck to condem..

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  16. I agree with Mark P. Building local campaigns rooted in the communities and unions needs to be the starting point. National co-ordination should come out of that. In other words things should be built from the bottom up.
    It seems to me that RTW and the COR both have essentially the same methodology, build from the top down, establish a hierarchy and hope to dominate the movement as it emerges.
    The key difference is of course that the COR is not run by one group for the simple reason that Counterfire are too small to run it. That’s pretty important and does mean that the COR may have more life in it than the RTW. But it remains to be seen.

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  17. A thing that becomes obvious speaking to anyone who is politically active or a trade unionist outside an organisation is the disdain these people have for the practices of much of the far left.

    A lot of the time their point of view is entirely reasonable. They see the stitch ups and anti-democratic practices and want no part of it. In fact if they knew the whole picture they would have every right to be a lot more disdainful. Treating every campaign and every movement as this week’s potential “build the party” wheeze is the Achilles heel of the English speaking far left. There is some evidence that key players in COR have drawn this lesson from their own experience. What happens with COR after the November conference will prove or disprove that but certainly no one involved in it is saying that the entire movement has to revolve around it.

    Yet it’s hard not to despair when you read things in this article like “the Socialist Party, certainly, will attend events like those called on 27 November. But we will do so in order to make firm proposals for a common struggle and to press for mobilisation behind the NSSN.”

    There is no political difference between that and the very practices that the article criticises.

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  18. Apologies for that Alf. Came in a bit late after a hard day’s campaigning.

    The frustration is this: CoR is not a united front but a grouping with the ambition of unifying or leading the anti-cuts movement. Unfortunately it has no basis on which to unify that movement. What I am trying to get from you and your grouping is what political program will you be attempting to get CoR to adopt at its meeting in November so that it can offer an alternative political program to that of the New Labour clowns and thereby become an alternative political center which can eventually engineer real united fronts with forces other than those that follow it? The anti-cuts movement needs to things: mass mobilisation (agitation and organisation) and a basic, principled program (not hugely detailed and prescriptive) with which the working class can point to a way out of this crisis for the whole of society. To do less would ultimately be to set the class up for a tremendous backlash especially if ironically it successfully resists the cuts.

    Otherwise, if you do not follow this tactic, it seems to me that you have ceased to be anything that can remotely be described as Marxist. So really I’m not trying to be provocative but I would like to know what your strategy, tactics, etc are towards CoR: economistic?, apoliticial?, opportunist?, what?

    The other thing to remember of course as Mark P points out above, the same crew behind CoR appear to be the same crew that moved in on the StW Coalition which became an apolitical irrelevance pretty quickly.

    The question of the approach in November needs urgent discussion but I just get the feeling that SR are sidestepping the issue hence the frustration. And I apologise for the previous tone. It was late.

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  19. David the issue is that we need as Marxists, to build the united front. We need to develop policies that have an anti-capitalist approach, which can enable us to mobilise the widest number of forces.

    Yes I can list a string of policies and yes we will present ideas to the conference. However we need to recognise that COR is only one part of this movement.
    We need to ensure that in building the anti-cuts movement we do not repeat the errors of the past.

    The test of any movement is whether it can attract sufficient forces, build unity and effectively challenge by providing leadership rooted in the movement.

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  20. Alf: the issue for us as Marxists in not building the united front but building the revolutionary party. The united front is only a means to that end. Building united fronts for the sake of it is a purely bureaucratic passtime and probably a good career move but it is not what we are about surely.

    I am not looking for a `string of policies’ only that you inform us what `ideas’ you will be presenting to the conference. What political, programatic priorities, apart from mobilisation, you will be presenting. Do you envisage CoR as perhaps becoming the centre around which a political opposition to the Coaltion’s policies and New Labour’s response to them can come together or will it be a pressure group serving Ed Milliband? Or perhaps you see it avoiding politics altogether?

    Personally i think that any movement with anything less than the demand that the banks be consolidated and nationalised so that the state be given the monopoly of credit emblazoned on its banner is unworthy of being called an opposition to this bank and monopoly capital-led program of economic evisceration.

    I think perhaps this is a discussion we should be having and I don’t understand why you are ducking the issue frankly or your vague allusion to previous `errors’.

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  21. I have no problem with the demand for nationalising the banks- and it is in the COR statement anyway – but my concern, David, is what you say to a group set up to oppose, say, closure of the local swimming pool.
    “Sorry mate, love to support you but you are not calling for the nationalisation of the banks and, to be quite honest, us revolutionaries are far from conviced that you single-issue campaigners are opposed to ALL cuts…”

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  22. `I have no problem with the demand for nationalising the banks’

    I should hope not and it is good that it is mentioned in the CoR statement. But it is not a matter of having a problem with it but making it the centre piece of your political program along with the socialisation of the property of the monopoly capitalists such as those who wrote to the paper today unsurprisingly in support of the Coalition’s program. As for the rest of your comment, it is disingenuous. The point is to support all struggles and win them to your program not the other way around but of course this does recquire that you have a program in the first place.

    Anyway perhaps you can tell us what the approach will be at the CoR meeting in November.

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  23. OK David-nationalisation of the banks, soviets everywhere, revolutionary party take the power, land bread and peace now. Good-no problem, plus arm the workers, international socialism, revolutionary defeatism, permanent revolution etc etc-no problem- now how do we campaign to defend our local library- occupy it-yes but only 6 of us giving out leaflets in the shopping centre and another 6 from 2 other groups selling their papers down the road and competing with each other. Everyone saying only they have the answers and wont talk to each other. Oh but the revolution will come wont it?????????

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  24. Alf: I cannot believe that you are selling anti-politics on the grounds that you can’t give away leaflets. Your arguments are no less pragmatic than some New Labourite realist who of course is not realist at all but a slave to appearance. We are trots so of course the revolution will come. We will make sure that it does.

    Jobs, homes and peace is a slogan that everybody wanting to resist can unify around by the way however much you take the piss out of it. Now come on, how are you going to play it at the CoR meeting. What resolutions, what program etc?

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  25. David you have clearly missed the point so here it is. Yes I am in favour of building a revolutionary party around a revolutionary marxist programme and for building an anti-capitalist alternative strategy.
    What I and others are trying to say is that just calling for a general strike and other demands in abstract is propagandist.
    We need to ensure that in raising demands, they both reflect peoples needs, mobilise them in action and unite forces in a way that takes us forward.
    Top down demands and undemocratic organisations are no longer wanted nor is there a place for them.

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  26. When have I called for a general strike? In fact on a thread on this very blog I said that I thought it was being used cynically.

    What is an `anti-capitalist alternative strategy’ when it’s at home? The point is to win the masses in their millions to a revolutionary socialist marxist program but if we don’t have one we can’t do that.

    The three most pertinent demands at the moment are:
    1. State monopoly of credit (without that any talk of investment or job creation or getting credit flowing to small business and so on is demagoguery and hot air; 2. Socialisation of monopoly capital and, 3. Full employment in productive work.

    These are socialist demands that should be brought together with a series of proposals for mobilisation such as staff committees in hosptials and schools, workplace occupations, community-based anti-cuts coalitions. You seem to be describing a scientifically worked out program as `top down demands’ and that such a thing is no longer needed. In actual fact what isn’t needed is a top down united front without a program. That is the worst kind of bureaucratic outcome which will no doubt politically adapt to the New Labour careerists. A spontaneous movement would be far more preferable to such a thing but if CoR insists on being then we must insist it is political.

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  27. What we clearly need for the movement now is co-ordinated strikes against all cuts, called in defiance of the anti union laws and organised and controlled by the rank and file. We should of course make these demands of the trade union leaders but also be clear that only by getting organised in our workplaces and communities under rank and file control can we have any hope of success.

    It is not demands that are top down. As revolutionaries we should call for workers’ control of services, full employment and a whole host of other action demands and be very clear that only a workers’ society controlled by the working class can deliver on this and that this will mean a determined fight against capitalism. But the method to get there has to be bottom up, organising from the rank and file from workers in workplaces and communities whose services and jobs are under attack.

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