image“Oh, Christ, not again” could be one’s first response on reading this editorial from the current issue of The Socialist. It might also be one’s second and third response.

The best bit is “Socialist Party members who are officers of the NSSN are proposing that the conference in January 2011 founds the ‘NSSN – all-Britain anti-cuts campaign’ “ Anyone who thinks that the proposal might be defeated probably also expects a fat man in a red suit to fly from his workshop in the North Pole to deliver their presents on Christmas morning.

A more considered response appears here.

Today one of the key questions is how to bring together the different elements of the rapidly growing anti-cuts movement in order to create the most powerful possible opposition so that we can once again defeat the Tory government.

The National Shop Stewards Network (NSSN) anti-cuts conference, taking place on 22 January, has the potential to play an important role in this process. The anti-cuts movement inevitably has many different strands – housing campaigners, pensioners’ organisations, disability rights campaigns and many more – which all have a potentially valuable role to play. Nonetheless, it is essential that they are linked together. The trade unions are best placed to do this. However, unfortunately right-wing trade union leaders only play lip service to this task. The NSSN, with a record of organising militant trade unionists, therefore has a crucial role to play – not in replacing the trade unions – but in acting as a lever to galvanise the struggle.

It has already shown how it can play this role. The NSSN was the first national organisation of the labour movement to organise a national conference in the wake of chancellor George Osborne’s first emergency ‘bloodbath budget’.

It then organised the lobby of the TUC conference which received a tremendous response from the growing anti-cuts movement. All activity – demos, meetings etc – to raise awareness is to be welcomed. But the NSSN correctly foresaw that exerting pressure on the leadership of our movement, the trade unions, was the first priority. This paid off when the TUC was forced to respond to the demand for a national demonstration – albeit belatedly for 26 March 2011.

The NSSN has continued the campaign of pressure on the trade unions to act, not least by building the anti-cuts movement on the ground. It has played a key role in founding many of the local anti-cuts unions and in instigating the regional trade union demonstrations against the cuts that took place on 23 October in London, Bristol, Cardiff, Manchester and elsewhere.

Socialist Party members who are officers of the NSSN are proposing that the conference in January 2011 founds the ‘NSSN – all-Britain anti-cuts campaign’ under the slogan ‘Unions and communities together to save jobs and services’. This proposal will be discussed at the NSSN steering committee taking place on 4 December.

Opposition

Unfortunately but not surprisingly, it will be opposed by members of the Socialist Workers Party (SWP). When the anti-cuts conference was first agreed by the NSSN steering committee (which includes members of the SWP and the Coalition of Resistance) the SWP members voted for it, but then less than 24 hours later announced their own ‘Right to Work’ conference.

Yet the SWP are now opposing the NSSN conference under the cloak of ‘unity’. However, we are not able to take at face value the declarations of the SWP for unity when their actions in practice have been so divisive.

When Chris Bambery of the SWP spoke on behalf of Right to Work at the Coalition of Resistance conference on Saturday 27 November he declared that: "we do not want different anti-cuts campaigns in the same town or city". We agree, but just a day later the SWP’s party notes again re-emphasise the importance of building separate Right to Work groups in every local area! He also stated that: "we do not want demonstrations taking place at the same time". Again we agree, but it was his party that, just weeks ago, knowingly organised a national Unite Against Fascism demonstration on the same day, time and venue as Socialism 2010 – our 1,000 strong weekend of discussion and debate. As a result the UAF demonstration was far more poorly attended than it could have been.

An NSSN officer who is in the SWP comments on our proposal for ‘NSSN – an all-Britain anti-cuts campaign’ in the Socialist Worker (27 November 2010) saying: "At the moment no single organisation has any mandate or wide enough support to set itself up as the sole national organisation against the cuts. An attempt by the Socialist Party to railroad the NSSN into proclaiming itself as this national body is a recipe for division and disaster."

This is to deliberately misrepresent our position. The Socialist Party does not claim that the NSSN’s anti-cuts campaign would be the only national organisation against the cuts. Given the existence of the Coalition of Resistance and Right to Work this is clearly not the case. We do, however, think that the NSSN – with its records, roots and fighting programme – is uniquely well placed to begin to bring together the forces that are building the anti-cuts movement on the ground.

We are in favour of the maximum unity and cooperation between the different anti-cuts organisations, and have proposed that the NSSN discusses coordination with the Coalition of Resistance (CoR) and Right to Work. However, unity only strengthens the movement if it is around a fighting programme. If we were all to unite around the programme of passivity put forward by Brendan Barber and the leadership of the TUC we would obviously be dooming our movement to defeat.

At the CoR conference Chris Bambery of the SWP declared that: "anyone who claims to be the leadership of the movement should be punished". Yet just a day later the SWP’s party notes tell their members: "In every area SWP members need to not only be involved in local anti-cuts groups but also fighting to lead and shape them." That is the right of the SWP. No one can currently claim to be the sole leadership of the anti-cuts movement nationally, but every political trend involved in the anti-cuts movement can and should put forward and argue for their strategy for defeating the cuts.

Which strategy is most effective in defeating the cuts, and can therefore win the leadership of the movement, will be tested and decided in the living struggle. This is what happened in the anti-poll tax movement. It was the non-payment strategy of the Socialist Party (then called Militant) which was adopted by 18 million people and led to victory.

Unfortunately, at the CoR conference, there was no opportunity for genuine discussion and debate on how best to defeat the cuts. By contrast, the NSSN conference will be open and de
mocratic with full rights for all trends to put forward their point view.

No strategy

The SWP do not have a strategy for victory. Recently this has been shown by their serious mistakes in the industrial field – both condemning the London FBU firefighters for suspending their strike action, and alienating BA strikers by occupying their talks. The SWP are combining ultra-leftism with increasing opportunism. The latter is indicated by the article by the NSSN officer. Their approach is to ‘keep quiet’ about cuts by Labour councils, in order to keep Labour Party members on board. This is a strategy for defeat. To build a united movement it is necessary to oppose all cuts in jobs and services, regardless of which party is wielding the axe.

The SWP’s approach was shown by their coverage of the magnificent London NSSN-initiated anti-cuts march on 23 October, where they criticised the chair of the rally for asking Jeremy Corbyn MP to call on Labour councillors to oppose cuts, saying: "In order to build a broad alliance we need to defeat the Tory cuts, we will need to work not only with left wing Labour MPs like Corbyn, but with far more flawed figures on the right of the party." We agree that we should work with Labour Party members in the anti-cuts movement, including Labour councillors, provided they oppose the cuts. Where they vote for them, they cannot be part of the anti-cuts movement.

Electoral stand

The NSSN officer writing in Socialist Worker states that the Socialist Party’s "proposal to support anti-cuts candidates is also very divisive. It will inevitably mean standing candidates against the Labour Party, and therefore will likely exclude any supporters from the left of Labour." It is open for debate whether the NSSN anti-cuts conference wants to formally adopt a position of standing anti-cuts candidates at this stage.

However, it is absolutely clear that a major part of the anti-cuts movement across the country is opposing the huge cuts being carried out by Labour councils whether it is workers taking strike action against £400 million worth of cuts from Kirklees Labour council or campaigners in Lewisham opposing £60 million of cuts by the Labour council in Lewisham – which this week called out the full might of the riot police against 200 peaceful anti-cuts protestors!

It is right and inevitable that – faced with candidates from the big three pro-cuts parties – anti-cuts campaigners – perhaps even including some who are currently Labour Party members – will want to stand anti-cuts campaigners in elections. To suggest that we do not do so for fear of ‘excluding Labour supporters’ is to try and take away an important political weapon in the struggle.

The Socialist Party will fight for unity – but for unity around a programme of action capable of defeating the Con-Dem axe men and women.

39 responses to “Vanguard (gsoh) seeks movement for friendship and hegemony”

  1. Unlike the Coalition of Resistance and Right to Work, which are identical in every way bar the the identity of the sect which controls the organisation, there actually are significant political differences between the Socialist Party’s approach and that of the COR/RTW.

    The Socialist Party takes the view that anti-cuts campaigns should not simply turn itself into a vehicle for Labour councillors who vote for cuts to pose as opponents of “Tory cuts”.

    It is all very well to say that these disagreements should and could exist within a single national organisation, but the unarguable fact is that RtW has no democratic structures at all and the Cor conference was a rally where no democratic decisions could be taken and where Socialist Party members who wanted to argue this view were not allowed to speak.

    The call for “unity” in one of these national organisations is, in those circumstances just a call for “unity” behind the weak approach of Counterfire or the SWP. Neither Counterfire nor the SWP have the authority, respect or social weight to expect or demand that. And it has to be said that while talking about unity on a national level, the SWP in particular are running around splitting local anti-cuts campaigns on the ground.

    Liam, of course, is a member of an organisation that has chosen to throw its “weight” (such as it is) behind the Counterfire/CoR grouping. That is its right. But the sort of unity-mongering he is engaging in here is entirely cynical – everyone to fall in behind his Coalition of choice.

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  2. It is rare to read something quite as spectacularly wrong on political strategy as the SP’s document here. I don’t think it gets a single thing right; there are at least a dozen objections I could raise to its arguments. It is divisive, destructive and, quite possibly, suicidal. If it pushes this through it will lose any hope whatsoever of EVER having any influence in the movement.

    The really telling sign is the way it mis-describes reality consistently. Small or modest demonstrations are described as ‘magnificent’, it ludicrously claims credit for the TUC calling a demo next March, etc. This sort of thing happens when people completely lose their way.

    I’m afraid that with this kind of silliness the Socialist Party will, justifiably, be ignored by everyone building the movement. If the party’s grassroots members have any sense they’ll force their leadership back to reality.

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  3. Alex, rather than dribble your condescension on your keyboard, why don’t you try outlining what’s so “divisive” or counterproductive about this stance?

    Here’s a hint before you start: Not acknowledging the divine right of bumbling incompetents like Rees and German to lead whatever movement they so desire is not evidence of divisiveness.

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  4. A bit rich coming from Alex former SWP member “never a better time to be a socialist” and other grandiose slogans come to mind.

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  5. Article :–

    “The Socialist Party takes the view that anti-cuts campaigns should not simply turn itself into a vehicle for Labour councillors who vote for cuts to pose as opponents of “Tory cuts”…. ”

    “.. the Cor conference was a rally where no democratic decisions could be taken and where Socialist Party members who wanted to argue this view were not allowed to speak.”

    At the workshop on Political Representation, both Ted Knight and Alf Filer made exactly the same point made by the Socialist Party above.
    My own impression was that the majority of people there agreed with this approach.

    Are you saying that Matt Wrack wasn’t allowed on the platform by the organisers? Or did he boycott the event because of the Cif article (which was by an SWP’er) Which was it?

    Do you plan on turning up when CoR has its policy-making conference, or will you already be in the leadership of the anti-Cuts movement by then?

    If so, I presume you’ll be organising a national demo which rivals the Poll Tax demo. Let’s see.

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  6. I don’t think the SWP’s position is that rtw should be counterposed to either local anti cuts or national CoR a structures but that there is a need a mechanism to call action in some instances that might be difficult through CoR which seeks a broad unity with tu general secretaries, LP MP’s etc. A number of people beyond the ranks of the swp may agree with this. This could perhaps, reflect a meditation on the character of STWC. In any case I suspect that SWP supporters would given the choice, stand with CoR and Rees, rather than see local anti cuts groups subject to some bizarre SP poll tax nostalgia, which appears to be several months behind the times and is proposed by an organisation that is a shadow of its former self, and apparently suffering from a curious combination of chronic TU centrism (Unite elections, FBU strike) and parliamentary ultra leftism.

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  7. MARK P. “Unlike the Coalition of Resistance and Right to Work, which are identical in every way bar the the identity of the sect which controls the organisation, there actually are significant political differences between the Socialist Party’s approach and that of the COR/RTW.”

    COR isnt remotely like the SWP’s Right to work campaign

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  8. Prianikof:

    I have no doubt that most of the people at the COR conference agreed with Knight’s arguments which were indeed broadly along the lines of the Socialist Party’s arguments. To the extent that the COR conference attendees reflected the views of local anti-cuts campaigners that was hardly surprising.

    However, the leadership of CoR do not agree with those arguments. And nor do the sect running RtW. And as neither have any democratic structures and people at the CoR conference were not allowed to vote on strategy, that is what matters.

    If CoR were to adopt a genuinely democratic structure and were to avoid taking the Counterfire/SWP approach towards Labour councillors (ie uncritical sucking up to Labour councillors who vote for cuts while criticising Tory cuts) then there would be every reason to merge efforts with it.

    It will, I suspect, do neither of those things however, because it’s the creation of the Rees/German sectlet and reflects that groups policy of prostrating themselves before Labour Councils in the name of a false “unity”. Tory cuts bad, Labour cuts ok, is not an approach on which an anti-cuts movement can be built.

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  9. Socialist Resistance’s statement is now online at: http://socialistresistance.org/1138/

    Mark P’s argument is based on totally incorrect assertions about CoR, so folk should also read the resolutions adopted by the CoR conference (yes, voted on, so it was not a simply rally). The resolution makes it clear that CoR does not see itself as the leadership, but that the movement still needs to be united, and that it opposes all cuts — not only Tory cuts. CoR, RTW and the Peoples Charter want to work together. There might be good reasons for the SP to oppose that, but just making things up just lazy and stupid.

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  10. Donkey:

    CoR is the creation of Counterfire, a smaller sect than the SWP, so groups like Liam’s one think that they can find a better niche for themselves than they can in RtW where they are surplus to requirements.

    However in three crucial respects they are identical:

    1) Neither sprang up from local anti-cuts committees.
    2) Neither has any democratic structures at all.
    3) Both take the same position of sucking up to Labour councillors who vote through cuts but oppose “Tory cuts”. Tory cuts bad, Labour cuts ok.

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  11. I have posted the CoR resolutions at: http://socialistresistance.org/1137 People should read them for themselves rather than accept Mark’s assertions.

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  12. And what exactly in that longwinded resolution contradicts anything I’ve said, Duncan?

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  13. Mark P, please read

    http://liammacuaid.wordpress.com/2010/06/29/conversation-in-a-pub/

    Everyone else, the student occupation at Cambridge University is still on, police attempt to evict students fails.

    http://www.defendeducation.co.uk/statement-from-todays-occupation-of-guildhall

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  14. Yes, Jon, I’m already familiar with Liam’s snide insinuations that every group apart from his own sect is fundamentally sectarian.

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  15. Duncan:

    “I have posted the CoR resolutions at: http://socialistresistance.org/1137 People should read them for themselves rather than accept Mark’s assertions.”

    Mark P:

    “And what exactly in that longwinded resolution contradicts anything I’ve said, Duncan?”

    Jolly good, Mark P, we have an agreement. Now, what about the need for separate organisations?

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  16. If I were a pyschoanalyst I’d be tempted to offer an opinion about Mark’s obsession with sects and size.

    Anyway.

    The COR event was organised to a large extent by three small groups with very few resources. By some distance it was the biggest most pluralistic and diverse conference of its sort yet seen. Even its best friends conceded that it had far too many top table speakers. However it has committed itself to a policy making conference within six months. In practice that’s three months to build for the TUC demo and then a few weeks to see how the land lies after that.

    In an imperfect world that’s not a bad compromise.

    Now the simple fact is that the routine practice of much of the British and far left its satellites is dreadfully sectarian. That’s taken as a given by anyone outside those organisations. There are lots of attempts to explain it away but essentially it reduces the class struggle to a turf war for money, recruits and prestige. Thanks but no thanks.

    My hunch is that if the SP resolution gets through tomorrow some of the NSSN’s current members will be out the door.

    I can’t claim to speak for Counterfire but at a recent meeting at which I argued that Labour councillors who will vote for cuts should not be on anti-cuts platforms they agreed with me as did SP comrades and following last week’s conference a prominent Counterfire member took exactly the same view.

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  17. Of course in Liam’s imagination, Counterfire and it’s subordinate allies (like his own sect) are immune to this sectarianism and “turf war” attitude.

    He will piously denounce this supposed behaviour in others even while insisting that anyone who doesn’t see the need to fold their efforts in behind the coalition of his preference is a sectarian. And not see anything at all amusing about that picture.

    The CoR, (or to put it another way Counterfire and a couple of smaller subordinate sects) is not in a position to declare itself the national representative of the the anti-cuts movement. It is a non-democratic operation with few roots in local campaigns and a bad political line. Its partisans are perfectly entitled to argue for their politics and approach, but to claim that those who don’t accept its claims of preeminence are sectarians is every bit as crazed as the behaviour of the SWP running up and down the country splitting local campaigns.

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  18. By the way I particularly enjoyed the typically dishonest claim in the Socialist Resistance piece that:

    “The SP argues that movements like CoR are weakened by the involvement of Labour and Green Party councillors who have sometimes taken different tactics from the SP.”

    What they actually mean by this is that the Socialist Party argues that the anti-cuts movement should not uncritically back and parade around as “anti-cuts” representatives councillors who vote for cuts.

    Why they take such offense at what should be a fairly uncontroversial statement is that the Socialist Party mentioned as an example the laughable situation where the first CoR plenary was chaired by a former councillor who had voted for and abstained on cuts budgets. A former councillor who, it transpires, is an “advisory editor” to Socialist Resistance!

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  19. Mark P:

    “If CoR were to adopt a genuinely democratic structure and were to avoid taking the Counterfire/SWP approach towards Labour councillors (ie uncritical sucking up to Labour councillors who vote for cuts while criticising Tory cuts) then there would be every reason to merge efforts with it.”

    So a campaigning organisation both has to a priori have your conception of how to organise and how to relate to Labour, before you’d consider joining it rather than set up something separate.

    What was that definition of sectarianism again?

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  20. Nick:

    There’s nothing “sectarian” about arguing that an anti-cuts movement shouldn’t uncritically back politicians who implement cuts. In fact, that’s the attitude most anti-cuts activists take on the ground and, as Prianikof reports above, it was probably the attitude of most of the people at the CoR conference.

    The only people who insist that pro-cuts councillors should be put forward as anti-cuts heroes are the sectarian political leaderships of the CoR and RtW.

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  21. I said in my comment above that the most disturbing thing about the article (and the same goes for Mark’s comments here) is the absolute detachment from reality. I was thinking of the lies and distortions, and the lack of any perspective on things.

    But there’s something else too. What ISN’T mentioned? I can’t see a single reference to the school student and uni students’ protests, walkouts and occupations anywhere.

    How can you assess the anti-cuts movement, its challenges and its next steps without reference to the single most important thing happening right now? It means the SP leadership simply isn’t using any analysis of current reality as its starting point.

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  22. Alex,

    As you would be aware if you weren’t a bizarre fantasist, the Socialist Party has been very much involved in supporting the school and university student’s walkouts.

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  23. Mark P:

    “There’s nothing “sectarian” about arguing that an anti-cuts movement shouldn’t uncritically back politicians who implement cuts. ”

    I’m sure you’re right, as opposed to what I would think, from afar, would be necessary compromises about different attitudes to Labour and councillors. I’m sure you’re right about insisting on democracy. The question is whether the coalitions you castigate are really as bad in these regards as to necessitate the surely problematic step, in any case, of setting up a different coalition.

    I’m also sure that describing every other left group as a sect and imputing their ‘real’ motives (which you can’t possibly know) rather than just criticising their positions (which are fair game as they’re in the public domain) doesn’t advance your case.

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  24. “At the workshop on Political Representation, both Ted Knight and Alf Filer made exactly the same point made by the Socialist Party above.
    My own impression was that the majority of people there agreed with this approach”

    What a total misrepresentation of the workshop and what we both said. To repeat, we both made it clear we believe where labour cllrs and councils oppose cuts we will and must support them. The united front approach of COR

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  25. “At the workshop on Political Representation, both Ted Knight and Alf Filer made exactly the same point made by the Socialist Party above.
    My own impression was that the majority of people there agreed with this approach”

    What a total misrepresentation of the workshop and what we both said. To repeat, we both made it clear we believe where labour cllrs and councils oppose cuts we will and must support them. The united front approach of COR, working with other campaign groups locally and nationally is essential.

    I also went on to say that we must not have a situation where organisations impose, through top down groups ,candidates , but to support local democratic anti-cutscttees.

    This is totally oppositie to the SP position, which I fundamentally believe is wrong and sectarian.

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  26. Alf:-

    The SP leaflet,, “How can we defeat the Government”, which I picked up outside the Conference says:-

    “..where Labour councils locally reject the cuts we welcome this and pledge to mobilise in their support. But we will oppose those councillors who are against the Cuts in words and then vote for them in the Council chamber. The CoR should call on Labour Councils to..refuse to carry them out and to mobilise a movement in support of their stance – as both the Militant-led Liverpool Labour Council and Lambeth did in the 1980’s”.

    \\\\\\\\\\What should our attitude to Labour be?\\\\\\\\\\

    I don’t see this as essentially any different to what you and Ted Knight were saying. It seemed to me the logic of both your positions & the SP’s was that there needed to be anti-Cuts candidates standing where Labour implements them.

    i.e. You see no possibilities of internal de-selection of Labour Councillors under such circumstances.

    Mark P suggests that “the leadership of CoR do not agree with those (the SP’s) arguments”.
    I’m not clear on what evidence he basis this assertion.

    Nor has he answered my questions;

    *Will the NSSN participate in the “Motions” Conference early next Year?
    * Was Matt Wrack invited to attend, or did he boycott the event?

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  27. Nick:

    When it comes to questioning the integrity and motives of the micro-sects controlling the CoR I am merely responding to Liam (and to Socialist Resistance) in the same vein that they began this exchange. For these dishonest and embitered middle aged sectarians, it is quite normal and indeed nearly mandatory to assume that every action by larger left groups is rooted in self-interest. Yet they squeal endlessly if the same cynical method is turned on them.

    Prianikof:

    I don’t know how or why you think I can answer questions on behalf of Matt Wrack.

    As for whether the NSSN will participate in the CoR’s next conference (the first one where they will allegedly allow some input from the rank and file), I also don’t know. I would presume that will depend on the situation on the ground at the time.

    Alf:

    As I understand it, the position Ted Knight put to the conference was broadly the same as that of the Socialist Party – ally with Labour Councils and Labour Councillors where they fight, but refuse to treat them as allies where they vote through cuts. This is in contrast to the Counterfire/SWP position of allowing and indeed encouraging pro-cuts Labour councillors to posture as opponents of “Tory cuts”.

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  28. Mark P – ageist sectarian.

    Can Mark tell us what years count as middle aged? We dont want anyone in SR who may not live up to his prejudices

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  29. Mark P keeps going on about Counterfire having an approach that is one of “uncritical sucking up to Labour councillors who vote for cuts while criticising Tory cuts”. Can he give us one or two examples of this? I would genuinely like to know.

    As for the feeling of the meeting – in the two workshops I was in the feeling was absolutely against working with pro-cuts councillors (Alex Kenny from the NUT Exec was a lone voice arguing this and was roundly denounced). Surely if the majority of 1200 delegates support the SP’s position on pro-cuts LP members, the SP could happily work to make this reflected in the National Council/Steering Committee.

    The SPs statement is flatly untrue when it says: “Unfortunately, at the CoR conference, there was no opportunity for genuine discussion and debate on how best to defeat the cuts.” Anybody who went knows there was plenty of genuine discussion and debate on this question.

    The conference was not organised to debate resolutions and take amendments which was probably a mistake but one easily corrected at the next policy conference. But did the SP submit a resolution? Did it go to any of the organising meetings to argue for a resolution based conference? Not as far as I know.

    It prefers to criticise from the sidelines, “like sectarians on the fringes of the labour movement” to coin a phrase,.

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  30. I attended the COR conference as an SP member and delegate from my anti-cuts group.

    A few points.
    Yes I did submit an SP resolution also agreed by everyone present from my local campaign. It was remitted with all the others.

    I think the SR article (and I have a lot of time for SR generally) is not very accurate about the how the decision for the NSSN to have a cuts committee has been made or what it intends to be, the voting didn’t happen the way explained, it is not claiming to be the leadership etc.

    To cut a long story short, no one can proclaim to be the national anti-cuts body I think we all recognise that. The SP has issues with the COR, and chosen not to be very involved at this stage. You may not agree with our position but it is consistent and up front. The be honest I think a genuine leadership of the national movement (if such a thing is really possible on such a diverse campaign) will come from the ground up via local committees.

    I worry more about the potential for splits on a local level (my particular bugbear is groups saying one thing and doing another) and concerns about national leadership leading to activists being distracted from what is important, which is building really rooted anti cuts committees in every estate/area/large workplace, a point I made speaking at COR.

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  31. Unsuprisingly the SP’s position was won at the meeting. Though it was done so in opposition to the overwhelming majority of non-SP members in the room, some of whom will now be reconsidering their place in the NSSN.

    Not every vote won is a political victory and neither is stacking a meeting proof of a sound method.

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  32. Meanwhile @LSE we enter our 5th day of occupation. All Ive seen from the SP since the start of the student uprising is that the millbank shenanigans should have been ‘democratically decided and stewarded’. Yeh, like teenage rage can be controlled!

    Re RtW and CoR differences?
    I’d put the difference on how high you value the ability to break and criticize TU leaders when neccessary- something deeply ingrained in SWP’s sub base’s DNA- or whether we are a broad political movement that demands maximun possible unity, the very existence of such pushes leaders into not selling out.

    Real differences, some good points on both sides. Personally, i’d like to see what Counterfire say when McLusky sells a shoddy deal to BA workers.

    I think we will see events called and backed by a number of different national and local groups–the tax justice/uk uncut/RtW tax actions are an example of this. Unity in action is the way forward. On that, see you all on Thursday…stewarded or not!

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  33. The main difference between RTW and the COR is that the COR is not controlled by a monolith.
    The politics of Counterfire and the SWP are pretty nearly identical from what I can see, even down to their sucking up to Aaron Porter and Labour Party cutters, stacking the top table, not allowing motions, stitching up elections and so on.
    The difference is that in the COR Counterfire do not constitute anything like a majority. In fact quite the opposite they’re a tiny minority. That is very important when their tradition, as that of the SWP is predicated upon exercising organisational control. They cannot do the thing their DNA determines they must do.
    So COR is the way forward for now. But its still not certain IMO that it will eventually form the united anti-cuts movement we need. In South London there are moves to establish a real federation of anti-cuts groups, not necessarily aligned to any of the “federations”, that’s a positive step too.

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  34. It is also worth noting for sake of fidelity to the facts that CoR is, at present, a one of conference that coordinates nothing and has no influence on the ground as a body. RtW and the NSSN do have some small influence on the ground in their respective arenas.

    The rerason why the tactical turn of the SP within the NSSN is an act of sectarianism is that they cannot carry with them any of the non-SPers workplace representives involved. Certainly not those aligned with the Labour Left, the SWP and the smaller groups leave alone non-aligned activists. This will leave the NSSN as a simply scarce concealed front for the SP while destroying any role it might have in the Trade Union movement.

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  35. I agree with you about the NSSN. But I’d simply add that given that the NSSN has not, as far as I’m aware, lead a single strike during its entire history, it won’t be that missed.

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  36. I was rather hoping that by now we would have had an account of the spectacular success of this proposal at the meeting. It’s rare that everyone else votes against an idea.

    Maybe we need to elect a new proletariat.

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  37. According to George;

    I did attend the NSSN committee meeting on Saturday afternoon (along with 37 others) and put forward an alternative proposal for the Network’s anti-cuts conference on 22 January 2011, which left open to local networks the question of support for anti-cuts candidates in May and affirmed that that the NSSN should be seeking to build a single, united anti-cuts campaign nationally, within which its principal role should be to build the widest possible industrial action, within and between unions on a co-ordinated and sustained basis.

    My proposal, which had the backing of all those not attached to the Socialist Party, lost by a margin of 22-16. In short, what unfolded confirmed the SP’s original proposal, which called for the creation of a “NSSN All-Britain Anti-Cuts Campaign”, went through, albeit without the call to make organising support for anti-cuts candidates a ‘first task’ of the campaign. Perhaps not so coincidentally the 22 January conference is due to be followed immediately afterwards by a meeting of the Trade Union & Socialist Coalition in the same building.

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  38. the only comfort is thatthe coming awaking will wash away all that rubbish.

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